Sociology and Modern Capitalism


Sociology and Modern Capitalism – Marxists hypothesize that inequity and poverty are practical components of capitalism’s productive system: capitalism must produce in an equal social construction. Inequality is passed from solitary generation to other over a situation of services and prospects that backgrounds every distinct.

The conurbation’s social topography is prepared up of a classification of the social situation that reproduces the class construction. The alteration in the scheme results from a modification in the request for labor (Coleman).

As a result of perpetual poverty in American capitals, a permanent system requires the creation and re-deployment of industrial reserve forces. Inequality and deficiency cannot be exterminated without essential variations in the style of production.

Covid-19 and Modern Capitalism

Several aspects of the Covid-19 epidemic cannot be separated from capitalism: state policies aimed at preventing activity, regional health inequality, action, and skill through the absence of Global depression (Van Bavel et al. 4). Entirely of this can be the topic of study to display the connection with capitalism.

However, it is interesting that the interest in the above references is to present a relevant or structural understanding of the current crisis, deeper causes, or realities. Despite several random factors, it has nothing to do with the accident that has played a vital role in mobilizing and exacerbating it.

To be sure, Jade Lindgard and Amy Poinsuit’s excellent article is entitled “Coronavirus, a Boomerang That Comes Back to Our Face.” Numerous systemic processes have been termed in association with the results that have made possible the current epidemic.

Schools are predictable to be sealed for weeks or months, and parentage are precipitously enforced to go to home-based school, frequently when they are enquired to remain their steady jobs. As well as most of the labor of this home education will be on working mothers.

The virus cannot discriminate against itself because it is infected; however, its effects will not reach everybody correspondingly in a society that suffers from gender inequality. Parentages who are not parents face a burden, and of these parents, mothers are the ones most affected (Peet 568).

The pay inequality frolicked a dominant part in this inequity: for various, the father had a well-paying job, so he considered living in the mother’s home economically. On uppermost of that, several mothers felt they were better qualified for daily work in home-based schooling.

Certain believed it was a congenital disability, though others lured their infantile girls into the social world – girls babysitting for a fellow citizen or serving to take attention of fresher siblings and companions ​​because he has the skills made him a better candidate.

Home Schooling Job Sociology

The study shows that mothers will do the utmost of the work of caring aimed at and instructing their country’s offspring throughout our large-scale coronavirus related school closings (Van Bavel et al. 6). Besides, not all mothers will be capable of ensuring the same.

A working mother may be forced to select amongst being punished for not prioritizing work, or her children may be tested for not giving priority. Specific those restricted with savings, relaxed from working at home-based, or partners allied to job safety may have to decrease working hours or leave absentee addresses.

Solitary mothers, who previously face extra inquiry for their parents, determination be even more precious (Coleman). People who can’t afford to proceeds time off, deprived of endangering their works, will facade more severe pressure and scrutiny, and as a result, their children will grieve unnecessarily. Americans are slowly coming to terms with the fact that institute closings are essential to deal with the epidemic.

Sociology and Modern Capitalism
Sociology and Modern Capitalism

Though this is trendy, we as a state can take paces to reduce the load on mothers. At the very least, we prerequisite and disaster, nationwide, timely payment strategy for parentages of offspring under 12. Followers of Congress are declamation of numerous reasons to give specific or entirely Americans cash to equalize the economic effects of epidemics (Peet 569). These suggestions are a decent jolt. However, they do not gross into excuse the additional hardships of institute closings.

Learning is the municipal worthy that we sustenance through taxpayer-funded municipal education. Our institutes are not solitary places of knowledge; however, we also the protection and care of new offspring (Van Bavel et al. 8).

hen schools are closed, we provide education, protection, and supervision for our children – especially by paying their mothers to help their children’s education. Paying for this wage is one way to continue investing in our children while confirming that families can be financially stable if working hours are condensed.


My greatest expectation is that when it’s all above and back in school sessions across the country, we recall a lot of social inequity training that this epidemic suffix will instill us. Solitary of these teachings will be almost the load on mothers when they move away from community facilities such as schooling.

I hope we will use this knowledge to sponsor our institutes’ betterment as a portion of a more excellent drive to progress the social organization that can help us better through such national disasters in the upcoming. American geographer and historian Mike Davis have shown the general link amongst global capitalism and pigs flu.

Nowadays, it is perfect that the epidemic of Covid-19 shows that the creative services that have accrued globally have developed services of devastation that drop us into modern-day barbarism. To acquire this, we need to reconnect the various social engagements, with the scrap for radicalism further than the state-run and the principal, to discover illegal inventions outside catastrophic capitalism.

Work Cited

Peet, Richard. “Inequality and poverty: a Marxist-geographic theory.” Annals of the Association of American geographers 65.4 (1975): 564-571.

Coleman, James S. Foundations of social theory. Harvard university press, 1994.

Van Bavel, Jay J., et al. “Using social and behavioral science to support COVID-19 pandemic response.” Nature Human Behaviour, (2020): 1-12.

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Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States

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Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States

Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States

Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States – “Our police force was not created to serve black Americans; it was created to police black Americans and serve white Americans”. The quote by Ijeoma Oluo from the book, “So You Want to Talk About Race,” serve as a constant reminder of the prevalent nature of police brutality in the United States against the racial minorities. The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments of the Constitution champions for equal protection under law.

The two amendments (5th and 14th) require both federal and state governments to offer equal protection and follow due process as stated in the country’s constitution. Furthermore, police play a critical role in society by maintaining law and order, protecting property, and lives. In some circumstances, police are allowed to use reasonable force in the course of their duty. But what is reasonable force?

Police brutality in the United States is caused by racial biasness against minority racial groups and overcoming such practice require members of the various police departments to be subjected to inclusivity training. Black Lives Matter protests are a clarion call to end police brutality, systematic racism, and promote racial equality in the United States.

Global protests are on the rise in various parts of the world because of increased cases of social evils, political, and economic challenges such as corruption, discrimination, and marginalization of the minority groups. Protests play a critical role in the development of a nation since they aim at informing, sensitizing, and demanding for change.

The Black Lives Matter protests were meant to sensitize the world about police brutality against African-Americans, systematic racism and racial discrimination in the United States. Consequently, the protests were meant to put pressure on the government and various police departments to act and protect African-Americans from police brutality.

Black Lives Matter (BLM) and Social Media

Social media plays a critical role in facilitating global protests as it connects people and provide an avenue for people to air their views leading to a national and global discourse. Racial discrimination and inequality is common in the United States. Racial minorities and marginalized communities’ rights are violated based on stereotypes. Black Lives Matter global protests is a call for equality and demand for the stop of police brutality against African-Americans.

Police departments in the United States have the “use of force” policy that dictates how and when authorities can apply force in the line of their duty. The force applied by police should be reasonable (Taylor, 2018). However, the word reasonable is relative and some officers apply excessive force in the course of their duty. Moreover, the definition of “reasonable force” differ from one state to the other.

For example, George Floyd was killed by a police officer who used a chokehold (neck restraint) – some states believe that using a chokehold is reasonable while other states such as New York have banned the use of chokeholds since 1993 (Hawkins and Thomas, 2013). Police brutality against the racial minorities such as African-Americans in the United States dates back to the mid-20th century (Taylor, 2018).

However, the inhumane treatment by the police against African-Americans was unknown to the Whites until mid-1960s since the media did not highlight the issue as it was considered news unworthy. Cases of police brutality against African-Americans were covered by African-American press and civil rights organizations that championed for equal treatment of all races (Hawkins and Thomas, 2013).

African-Americans with the help of other like-minded citizens have fought for equal protection and treatment under law but they continue to face numerous challenges. From the 1960s, police brutality was one of the main catalyst for race riots that took place in urban America (Hawkins and Thomas, 2013).

The Watts Riots of 1965 and the Detroit Riot of 1967 were inspired by police brutality against minority race in the country. Additionally, in 1980 the Liberty City section of Miami erupted into riots after police killed an unarmed African-American (Taylor, 2018). In 2020, the United States faced countrywide riots by the Black Lives Matter after the killing of George Floyd. History illustrates that police brutality against racial minorities such as African-Americans continue to exist. What is the solution to police brutality against racial minorities in the country?

Police reforms without changing the mindset of the officers have proved to be worthless in the quest to end police brutality against African-Americans in the United States. Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights asserts that all humans are born free and equal in dignity and rights (Hawkins and Thomas, 2013).

As a result, everybody deserves equal treatment and protection under the law. African-Americans make up 13% of the United States population but because of police biasness, the number of African-Americans incarcerated in state prisons across the United States are more than five times the rate of whites who contribute to 62% of the nation’s total population (The Sentensing Project, 2020).

Additionally, the Bureau of Justice Statistics asserts that 38% of state prisoners in the country are African-Americans, 21% Hispanics, and 35% are Whites (The Sentencing Project, 2020). The figures from the prisoners around the United States are disproportionate considering the overall population of the country. Consequently, police brutality and biasness against African-Americans can be a contributing factor to the nation’s prison composition.

The United States is a diverse country with people from different backgrounds. The solution to the historical inhumane treatment of African-Americans by the police require cultural diversity training. United States’ criminal justice system is biased against African-Americans based on rate of incarceration, execution of death penalty, and wrongful convictions (Hawkins and Thomas, 2013). Consequently, cultural diversity awareness training for police officers can be a vital role in curbing police brutality in country.

Blacks Lives Matter and Police Inclusivity Training

Inclusivity training is essential since it grants people the skills to better work with others of divergent abilities, gender, race, training, nationalities, and sexual orientation. Furthermore, diversity training allow the trainees to learn and overcome myths and misconceptions about people from other cultural backgrounds. Inclusivity training will help the police view African-Americans as other United States citizens and treat them equally to other races (Déverge, 2016).

Police officers depend on members of the community to provide them with information that help in the maintenance of peace and order. Consequently, diversity and inclusion training with better the cooperation between police officers and African-Americans and curb the rate of crimes in the country (Moon et al., 2018). Additionally, the government lose taxpayers money because of wrongful conviction and compensation to the victims of police brutality (Déverge, 2016).

Inclusivity training and cultural difference awareness can help save the money as it will curb police brutality in the country. Curbing police brutality in the United States require a collective approach among all stakeholders (Moon et al., 2018). Reforms should be centered towards changing the mindset of police officers about African-Americans and it can be achieved by making it mandatory for all officers to go through inclusivity training.

Excessive use of power among police officers is among the reasons that adversely impact the relationship between the police and the public. Furthermore, the use of outdated policing techniques can lead to the deaths of citizens and negatively affect the relationship between the public and the police (Lum et al., 2016). For example, the chokehold technique led to the death of George Floyd and led to unrest in the country adversely impacting the relationship between African-Americans and the police as they felt they were discriminated against and brutalized by the authorities.

Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States
Black Lives Matter and Police Brutality in the United States

Technology can help in curing such challenges because it can provide the police with less-lethal weapons such as the conducted energy devices (CEDs) and pepper sprays (Lum et al., 2016). The use of deadly force by the police is among the main reasons that contribute to social unrest and conflict between the police and the public. As a result, the development of less-lethal weapons can assist in reducing the force used by the police when on duty.

Overall, historically African-Americans have been victims of police brutality and systematic racism because of the myths and misconceptions associated with the race. United States is a diverse nation with people from different backgrounds and cultures. Curbing police brutality in the United States require police officers to be subjected to inclusivity training.

Diversity and inclusion training helps trainees understand people from diverse cultures and treat them as humans despite the differences in race. Police brutality has social, economic, and political ramifications and it should stop for the country to remain united. The Black Lives Matter protests were successful around the globe since it sensitized the world about police brutality against African-Americans and racial discrimination.

The football world continues taking a knee as a sign of solidarity with the affected parties. Ending racial discrimination and police brutality require collaboration among all stakeholders. The Black Lives Matter demonstrations illustrated the importance of solidarity and unity of purpose in fighting social evils.


Déverge, C. A. (2016). Police education and training: A comparative analysis of law enforcement preparation in the United States and Canada.

Hawkins, H., & Thomas, R. (2013). White policing of black populations: A history of race and social control in America. Out of order, 65-86.

Lum, C. M., Koper, C. S., Gill, C., Hibdon, J., Telep, C., & Robinson, L. (2016). An Evidence-assessment of the Recommendations of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing: Implementation and Research Priorities. Alexandria, VA: International Association of Chiefs of Police.

Moon, S. H., Morgan, T., & Sandage, S. J. (2018). The need for intercultural competence assessment and training among police officers. Journal of Forensic Psychology Research and Practice18(5), 337-351.

Taylor, C. (2018). Fight the Power: African Americans and the Long History of Police Brutality in New York City. NYU Press.

The Sentencing Project. (2020, July 9). The color of justice: Racial and ethnic disparity in state prisons. The Sentencing Project.

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Social Class and Crime

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Social Class and Crime

Social Class and Crime

Social class and crime, along with bad behavior are related in a degree of ways. Those from lower financial layers will undoubtedly be caught, prosecuted, and kept for bad behaviors that are more rich individuals. Prisoners in the United States will undoubtedly be jobless and obtain not actually everybody. Yet wrongdoing by the well-off may address a higher financial cost for society, rich individuals are less disposed to be gotten and arraigned for bad behaviors.

Besides, working class infringement have commonly been managed less truly by the criminal value structure than street bad behaviors. Various criminologist hypotheses have explored the association between money related components and pollution, recalling looking at the effects of poverty for the strain, the impact of coming from a hindered region, the lifestyle of dejection, and the very development and execution of laws and the overall arrangement of laws. This article discusses the relationship between these social classes and the crimes people usually find themselves in and which are commonly committed openly or in private.

Most people in the education sector are engaged in criminal actions which involve things like corruption at the higher education level. Students from lower financial backgrounds lose scholarships to the higher financial stable families but are unqualified in academics because they have connections. In the employment sector in the offices and companies of the economy of the United States, many people are losing chances and opportunities for the job due to corruption and personal and personal relationships.

Problem Formulation

What is the relationship between social class and crime in the United States criminal justice system?


The association between social standard and crime has for a long time been an issue for discussion in criminal systems. In particular, there is impressive fight as to whether crime is basically a middle-class marvel or is just the same serving a common purpose. The content of this paper, and subsequently its life time, originates from the means that settles criminological hypotheses are established on the persuasion that there is somewhat in particular with regards to an average states of life that is innately criminogenic.

Honestly, in the previous centuries, most criminological acts was believed to be associated with social class and crime, meaning that people are largely connected to crime offences (Cloward & Ohlin, 1960). All the more as of late, the reason of lower-class transcendence has been tried by observational examination endeavoring to determine the class–wrongdoing association as subjected to enduring it as the starting point for criminal scenes request within the society.

Tragically, due to divergent studies and uncertain results, crime specialists still can’t seem to set up a definitive response in regard to the social class and crime relationship, which is further convoluted when fights amazingly erupt, which largely are prohibited from criminal inspections obviously and problems, venture into the situation. This examination paper inspects the possibility that scientists as far as anyone knows dissecting similar marvel’s varying decisions about class and wrongdoing might be established in methodological contrasts.

Research Discussion

The investigation of social activities and crimes have encountered gigantic development in the course of the last years, which is openly, to some degree, by the boundless fame and expounded deployment in criminal justice and criminology offices at all levels in all sectors of the government, both across the United States and globally. A paradigmatic developing shift has went with this criminological downpour in definitional, disciplinary, and down to earth relations.

However since quite a while ago distinguished as a major sociological forte section, criminal science has risen as an self-governing discipline by its own liability, and that goes further to grow and is setting down deep roots (Pihl & Peterson, 1995). Today, criminal systems stayed innately as assumption but on the other hand is irrefutably more utilized in attentiveness and hence more correlated with the philosophical and expert doubts of unlawful equity and associated skilled assistance sections.

Present-day examination of criminal discipline and criminal fairness is as well a progressive interdisciplinary and consequently comprises of a wide variety of examination themes on the sources, effects, and responses to crimes. This exploration paper contains data composed by a few notable discipline figures and arising more youthful researchers who furnished legitimate outlines combined with shrewd conversation that will rapidly acquaint analysts and understudies the same with fundamental and itemized data for every criminal equity activity.

Literature Review

The assortment starts by characterizing the discipline of criminal science and noticing its authentic turn of events. The different social (e.g., age, hostility, schooling and business), and segment (e.g., age and citizenship) real factors that reason, frustrate, and alleviate wrongdoing and wrongdoing control are examined in a few gather of violations to be specific

Age and Crime

The curvilinear connection among age and unlawful act is one of the greatest reliable discoveries in criminal science, and it’s been alluded to as a “tough observational consistency” and “one of the savage realities of criminal science” (Greenberg, 1985). Social analysts as ahead of schedule as Quetelet during the 1800s (Williams, 2003). Recognized a solid connection among age and wrongdoing that has come to be known as the age–wrongdoing bend.

The overall type of the connection among age and debasement is not quite deliberated. In whole inspections, the age and criminal offences twist is unimodal, with true lawbreaking percentages increasing in youthfulness to a top in the earlier adolescent years and afterward weakening quickly through the maturity levels. It is likewise evident that the age–delinquency bend tops fairly later for vicious violations contrasted and vandalism related misdemeanors.

Albeit much Research analyzing the age–wrongdoing affiliation has determined on true data and age-explicit detention degrees and overall curvilinear sample additionally holds all the more by and large for direct confusion, solitary behavior, and youth resentment. (Farrington, 1986) has mentioned that in spite of the point that scholars agree on the overall sort of the age–crimes twisted, there’s few concurrence on its prominence and propositions.

Social Class and Crime
Social Class and Crime

Hostility and Wrongdoing

Perhaps the most reliably recorded finding moving from criminological philosophy is that around five per cent to six per cent of the United States populace carries out over half of every criminal offense. This little framework of wrongdoers is regularly alluded to as profession hoodlums or constant guilty parties to catch their drawn out and incessant contribution in criminal felonies.

Considerably extreme arresting than the expected number of wrongdoing carried out on account of routine guilty parties is their inescapable utilization of actual brutality. Vocation lawbreakers are bound to utilize genuine viciousness; they additionally utilize actual hostility significantly more regularly. Assault, theft, attack, and murder, for instance, are wrongdoings that are solely restricted to routine guilty parties. In all regards, then, at that point, vocation lawbreakers address the most genuine rough wrongdoers, representing the most serious risk to society.

Vocation hoodlums are along these lines altogether different from any remaining guilty parties as far as their continuous contribution in wrongdoing and their standard utilization of hostility. The inquiries that come to bear, then, at that point, are the accompanying: (a) What variables add to the advancement of ongoing guilty parties, and (b) are these the very facets that add to the improvement of any remaining sorts of wrongdoers? The responses to these inquiries are intricate, however rich understanding can be collected by zeroing in on duo interlaced problems (Koh & Buchwald, 2015).

Citizenship, Social Class and Crime

The motivation behind this exploration paper is to recap peruses that immigrants, particularly blacks and other outsider gathering individuals, normally dwell in monetarily distraught networks. (Iturralde, 2010) noticed that legitimate criticism and disappointment with law enforcers were interwoven with neighborhood inconvenience levels, an impact that bested racial contrasts in perspectives to the laws, even subsequent to directing the locality rough criminal percentages.

Besides, natural qualities of policing likewise incorporate the utilization of corporeal and lethal power at the town level, official unfortunate behavior in police regions, and more slow reaction periods in networks, featuring study that perspectives to the police might be a component of vicinity setting.

These activities hit youthful dark guys tougher than others. In any case, the effect on blacks’ adolescents is a vulnerable crises, similar with the effect of late movement and the job of foreigner fixation in molding law enforcers’ experiences. These concerns possibly seem to build an alternate narration concerning Latinos, savagery, and the constabularies. This exploration paper ends with ideas for upcoming examination.

United States civilization is currently made out of broad-based populaces. The opportunity has arrived to regularly look at blacks in police exploration and contrasts inside citizenship status gatherings, including naturalized residents, legitimate inhabitants, and unapproved travelers. Spearheading Research and early movement and wrongdoing studies incorporate issues pertinent to Latinos and the police. The outcomes of overlooking the Latino populace are accentuated prior to tending to what we do and don’t think about Latinos and authority (Clarke, 1987).

Schooling and Crime

Crime analysts may expect that a conversation of training and wrongdoing would involve an outline of the effect of a singular’s schooling level on their crook or reserved conduct. Then again, guardians may expect it is a conversation of the impacts of school brutality and wrongdoing on the security and learning of their kids. Councils may think it to analyze the costs used on battling wrongdoing in the U.S. against those used to further develop American institutions.

An amateur may be anticipating all or none of these methodologies. The exploration paper starts with an outline of the by and large acknowledged perspectives about the connections among instruction and wrongdoing. Given the volume of Research on this subject, specialists have commonly concurred on a few fundamental points of interest that they accept mirror the legitimate connection among wrongdoing and schooling.

Then, this exploration paper endeavors to explain a few focuses that should be tended to at first. Initial, a few general terms are characterized (e.g., training, instructive accomplishment, knowledge, road smarts, and wrongdoing) and afterward talked about as they are utilized to concentrate on the associations among schooling and wrongdoing. At last, a conversation of how these terms intermix is advertised. Peruse more with regards to it.

Work and Crime

Work has for some time been seen to be connected with criminal conduct. For instance, Belgian crime analyst Adolphe Quetelet, in a 1831 distribution examining French wrongdoing insights named studies on the Tendency for Crime at Different Ages (Beirne, 1987), commented that people who were jobless or utilized in “modest occupations” were bound to carry out violations (Beirne, 1987).

Consequently, the investigation of wrongdoing and the economy is a firm custom in criminal science. To keep an adequate limited extension, this exploration paper centers around individual-level and observational examination speculations on the connection among work and wrongdoing. It in this manner precludes an audit of occupations wrongdoing learns at the large scale level and exploratory or semi trial assessments of work intercessions.

The primary segment in this examination paper contains a hypothetical outline of the connection among business and wrongdoing. The subsequent segment audits the observational writing at work wrongdoing association. The third segment distinguishes useful difficulties that should be defeated in commitment wrongdoing research. The last segment offers some finishing up comments and frameworks future headings.


Data Basis

Since guiltiness as a societal marvel is the accumulated outcome of deliberate separate conduct, it needs a miniature insightful examination of an entertainer’s late conduct to see the value in the reason and reasons of this wonder and the impacts and results of delinquent conduct. Such miniature cycles are investigated utilizing individual information since request with information on the large scale level creates bogus ends (Pilivan et al., 1986).

The social occasion of solid and legitimate information on misconduct establishes a precise trouble in populace overviews because of either a refusal to reply or off base data in regards to one’s late conduct (Hindelang et al., 1979). One-sided tests about criminal conduct likewise result from the way that kept wrongdoers stay inaccessible in populace reviews. There are valid justifications why meetings ensuring obscurity barely deliver occasional bogus proclamations (Esser, 1986).

Reliant and Autonomous Variables

The longing to perpetrate unlawful wrongdoing builds up the reliant on variable. The examinees were found out if they predicted themselves committing once more a wrongdoing (indeed), or swearing off rehashing such unlawful demonstrations, paying little heed to the conditions. The primary thought is tax avoidance (‘Giving misdirecting information in the expense revelation or the control of annual assessment to cover less charges’) and the other theft in a retail chain (Taking products out of a retail chain or shop without paying).

Before the request in regards to their future conduct, interviewees were additionally inquired as to whether they had submitted the referenced offenses previously and how frequently an event. The two offenses were investigated independently. We utilize expected future lawless offenses as the reliant adjustable and not earlier offenses. Our hypothetical prototypical predicts that the discernment of the circumstance is vital for the people’s evaluation of expenses, reimbursements, the conviction of assents, and so forth, these expected indicators of wrongdoing don’t really stay consistent after some time.

Henceforth, in the event that we pick earlier offenses as the reliant adaptable, we would need to report the situational conditions, anticipated expenses, advantages, and likelihood of the wrongdoings to occur.

Measurable Method

The double strategic relapse decides the assessment of a solitary determinant’s effect on the aim of submitting an offense. This strategy is utilized for dispersion hypothetical reasons just as for choice hypothetical reasons (Urban, 1993). Henceforth, the planned wrongdoing can be depicted with a choice and activity hypothetical methodology of the emotionally expected utility and the money saving advantage assessment of activity options. For instance, a probability activity typical for the course of crime can be joined with and inspected by the rationale and measurement of calculated relapse facsimiles (Urban, 1993).

Conclusion of Social Class and Crime

The relationship between social behaviors and criminal acts and offences as discussed are clear and intense in the United States. Many illegal actions are happening in the education sector, employment sector, aggression, in citizenship acquisition process thus their existence raising concern among the people. Criminal offenders have the right to overturn their behaviors and actions to make life better and easy for others.

To reduce the high cases of criminal cases in society, there is a need for the government to increase the high numbers of job opportunities in the country to reduce the high numbers of unemployment. Doing this will increase the number of working personnel in the country and reduce poverty caused by a lack of jobs. They were employing the right people with a good sense of humor who have regard and respect for their dignity to distance themselves from corruption, thus staying away from criminal offences.


Beirne, P. (1987). Adolphe Quetelet and the origins of positivist criminology. American Journal of Sociology92(5), 1140-1169.

Clarke, M. J. (1987). Citizenship, community, and the management of crime. The British Journal of Criminology27(4), 384-400.

Cloward, R., & Ohlin, L. (1960). Delinquency and opportunity. New York: Free Press.

Esser, H. 1986. ‘Ko¨nnen Befragte lu¨gen? Zum Konzept des ‘‘wahren Wertes’’ im Rahmen der handlungstheoretischen Erkla¨rung von Situationseinflu¨ssen bei der Befragung.’ Ko¨lner Zeitschrift fu¨r Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 38: 314–36

Farrington, D. P. (1986). Age and crime. Crime and justice7, 189-250.

Greenberg, D. F. (1985). Age, crime, and social explanation. American journal of Sociology91(1), 1-21.

Hindelang, M.J., T. Hirschi and J.G. Weis. 1979. ‘Correlates of Delinquency: The Illusion of Discrepancy between Self-report and Official Measures.’ American Sociological Review 44: 995–1014

Iturralde, M. (2010). Democracies without citizenship: Crime and punishment in Latin America. New Criminal Law Review13(2), 309-332.

Jones (2021) Social Class and Crime. Sociology Dissertation Topics for university Students.

Koh, H. H., & Buchwald, T. F. (2015). The Crime of Aggression: The United States Perspective. American Journal of International Law109(2), 257-295.

Pihl, R. O., & Peterson, J. (1995). Drugs and aggression: correlations, crime and human manipulative studies and some proposed mechanisms. Journal of Psychiatry and Neuroscience20(2), 141.

Piliavin, I., C. Thornton, R. Gartner and R.L. Matsueda. 1986. ‘Crime, Deterrence, and Rational Choice.’ American Sociological Review 51: 101–19

Urban, D. 1993. Logit-Analyse. Statistische Verfahren zur Analyse von Modellen mit qualitativen Response-Variablen. Stuttgart: Fischer.

Williams, R. K. (2003). Disaggregating delinquency trends in arrests and self-reported illegal behavior. The Pennsylvania State University.

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European Migrant Crisis Asylum

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New Deal Liberalism

New Deal Liberalism – Destabilizing Corporate Power or Reviving Capitalism?

Introduction: The Beginning Stages of the New Deal Movement

Between 1933 and 1936, Franklin Delano Roosevelt created a series of policies that eventually inspired innovation and economic growth in the United States. His former interpretation of the New Deal Movement, however, was not likely a planned response to a serious economic downturn, one which affected America’s past and caused one of the most horrible economic depressions in United States history. Before it became a more structured idea, it existed as a hasty movement fueled by frantic desperation (Auerbach, 1969). In his text, Auerbach likens this historical movement to a bandaid used after emergency surgery, as a means of depicting how rushed this movement truly was. While this movement was vaguely inspired by the age of enlightenment, it was based very loosely on individualistic principles of free speech, and the notions of unalienable rights. But conceptually speaking, it could not be easily defined.

Working class individuals were grappling greater levels of power in both their professional lives and in the political realm. As noted by Cohen, they formed the New Democratic Coalition, “To promote a notion of government that protected the well-being of ordinary Americans,”ensuring a more “activist federal government” (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg 3). The new role of government now entailed supporting the welfare state (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg 3). There was a transference in goals from the concept of capitalism, to that of the welfare state. (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 8). Mass consumption became an ordinary fixture in American life, and was most notably observed during the post war era of America, as well (Cohen, Making a New Deal,113).

It was based on a few, central beliefs, such as the goals of relief, recovery and reform (Berkin, 2011). Relief for impoverished and unemployed citizens, recovery of the ailing economy, and the reform of the country’s checkered financial infrastructure. As noted by Cohen, there were numerous religious and ethnic organizations that catered to the poor and homeless, exhausting their financial esources with free soup kitchens (Cohen, p 220). The power of the Democratic party increased (Cohen, p 3), and they exercised a frontal assault on previously touted corporate and capitalistic norms. Once again, the working class population unionized, demanded more rights, and gained more political power in the Democratic party (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg. 3). Careworn skeptics were against this movement in its earliest stages, etching a major division throughout the nation, dividing conservative Republicans and liberals.

Liberals were forced to change beliefs and convictions once firmly held by society. The original ideas that gave rise to the New Deal Liberalism were gradually changed, along with the societal landscape of the time. These ideas, which sprouted from the very depths of the Great Depression and World War II, were eventually replaced by more fitting ones, ones which were more adapted to the growing bureaucracy of the time. Hence, a consumer-centric economy became the principal focus of the “New Deal Liberalism” economy created by FDR and Congress at the time. As expressed in Cohen’s introduction of making a New Deal, mass production became very common as well. While entrepreneurs and businesses had initially achieved prominence in the nation, consumers began to gain more power and mass production became more common. Furthermore, the working class became militant in their efforts to reclaim control, which is a concept frequently highlighted by Cohen.

The Elusive Meaning of New Deal Liberalism

Many contenders battered this principle with ridicule, deeming it awash of substance and an identifiable concept. Lacking organization, it left many baffled and unable to truly define and grasp what New Deal Liberalism truly was. While the notion of New Deal Liberalism remains fairly unclear for some, it once conveyed the lessening of corporate and capitalistic control, and the deference of power and influence to the consumer and governmental agencies (Alexander Hicks). This differs markedly from its initial definition, as it now promoted the enactment of infrastructure and social welfare programs. The welfare state was now growing in increasing popularity (Cohen, 3). The dispersion of economic power became the primary concern in latter models of the New Deal Liberalism movement. While the New Deal Liberalism movement developed into a vaguely delineated program, it burgeoned idealistically into a more tangible concept, one that would ultimately be defined as a consumer focused society predicated on the beliefs of social equality. For example, Cohen discusses how an idea sprouted into unions, welfare programs, political protests, and cooperation among working class individuals of all ethnicities.

Utilizing the tools of an operative, state apparatus, liberals were able to fine tune the principal role of the government, as an entity responsible for the social welfare of its peoples. In the context of the New Deal Movement, the federal government gained more control, and Democratic, working class liberals advocate welfare programs, which benefited the impoverished (Cohen 3, 220). Many of the nation’s greatest struggles were attributed to capitalism, and the government’s preeminent role was to revise any flaws perpetuated by this capitalistic structure. They envisioned a redistribution of wealth and income that would stabilize in the nation. Even staunch proponents of corporatist ideals wished to buffer the control exercised by capitalists and corporations at this time

The Evolution of New Deal Liberalism

Towards the end of 1937, New Deal Liberalism as movement began to wane, and it gradually and decisively evolved into ideological rationales based less on political discourse, and more on social welfare. This idea, however, should be noted not as a fact, but as a conclusion based on the events that transpired during this era. For example, while many militant liberals formerly opposed capitlism, these anti-business sentiments eventually dissolved. This may be a result of America’s ideas about individualism. Som even argue that the social welfare state did not last and that leftist activism was strictly discouraged. Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore argued this point, reminding readers that the welfare state would disappear if conservatives gained power (Cowie and Salvatore, 2008). The transmutation of this idea occurred with many gradually accumulating, miniscule changes that were imperceptible to liberals at the time. By 1945, this idea had matured markedly.

Factors Contributing To the Evolution of New Deal Liberalism

The pre and post war era was reshaped and molded by a slew of converging factors. Urbanization was beginning to proliferate throughout the nation, and this aided the maturation of these ideas. Factories and other industrial jobs were growin in popularity, and working class individuals took on these opportunities, as described in many of Cohen’s narratives in making a New Deal (Cohen, making a new deal). A waning level of power and influence was noted among merchants, capitalists, etc. In this world of destabilizing control, bureaucracies ascended the rankings, and governmental agencies enveloped the sources of power once reserved for the corporate world. Once again, Cohen touches upon this idea by highlighting the formation of federal government powers (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg. 3). Furthermore, these ideas evolved as consumers grappled increasing levels of political and public control. The exceptionally wide range of ideas that defined New Deal Liberalism were often marked as a master class of obfuscation, with very little clarity. Both Alvin Hansen and Richard Hofstader proved that they were not uncritical defenders of this idea (Cowie and Salvatore, 2008). Instead, they repeatedly cite their apparent confusion with what this idea truly encapsulated. But as years progressed, social welfare and economic reform became the most predominant ideals of this movement (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 3).

New Deal Liberalism
New Deal Liberalism

Conflicting Definitions of New World Liberalism

Many fiercely competing belief systems detracted from the overall coherence of this idea. This concept required some time to take a unified, coherent form. One particular sector of society comprised firm contenders against capitalism, whom attributed the nations problems to the centralized and potently concentrated power of the capitalistic economy and corporate structure. This fueled unionization among many working class groups (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 3). Other opposing parties upheld an alternative facet of New Deal Liberalism. Some offered compelling arguments to support the integration of governmental authority with control with the economy. Others proposed radical leaps of change, purporting that capitalism became obsolete after the events of the Great Depression, and that an entirely novel system was needed to fully restructure the country’s economy. However, many scholars have reflected back, calling this a form of communism or socialism. In The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935, it is noted that Harold Lare led a communist movement, along with many other radicals at the time (Schlesinger, 1959). Hence, New Deal Liberalism was a dispersive movement that fragmented the population into varying directions. In spite of its conflicting framework, this idea did grow and develop over time into a more clear, and organized set of ideas.

A Communal, Consumer-centric Vision

There were major attempts to centralize and restore the equity of power in various facets of society as indicated by the leftist activism discussed (Cohen, 3). This emerged most notably in regional and agricultural planning, as noted by the Agricultural Adjustments Administration and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Infrastructure projects, including bridges and irrigation systems, were a defining feature of the New Deal Movement. Furthermore, social welfare programs increased rapidly as this movement was developing. By 1945, this idea bore little resemblance to that of its earlier days. The initial opposition to capitalism dissolved. Instead, this latter model began to propose a inter-depedent framework comprising both state-level control and capitalism, in which the state would ameliorate capitalism’s flaws. The crux of this newly revised ideological model proposed the expansion of an all-encompassing welfare state. The anti-monopoly sentiment still pervaded the air of this time, but the efforts shifted to a differing type of reform. This new type of world view was based on Keynesian economic, which will be discussed.

The new model of New World Liberalism was one in which the corporate world and the social welfare efforts could coexist and manifest an economically healthy environment. Instead of penalizing the financially elite, these new liberals concocted a very different approach, deeming the government responsible for protecting the industrial world’s well being. Instead of merely reforming the economy, they believed it was necessary for the government to expand it as well. In essence, the newly proposed model of social welfare and reform would serve as a cultivating atmosphere in which corporations could grow steadily within the contextual framework of the society and economy. In essence, the government was expected to supply the capitalistic world with a nourishing element to help it flourish.

Focus switched from intruding into daily affairs, to the notion of Keynesianism, the concept that an individual state could regulate control of the economy without directly muting and curtailing control exercised by economic institutions (Sullivan, 2003). As New Deal Liberalism became reassembled into a more evolved format, it experienced a substantial period of change. The Roosevelt New Deal Liberalism was a disoriented stew of desperate ideas and attempts to repair the economy, as well as an impulsive prescription to the nation’s capitalistic flaws. However, the World War II period was met with significant changes to this concept. As time proceeded forth, Keynesian ideas were implemented, garnering increasing levels of support. It was only until the post war efforts that this formerly makeshift ideology was shaped in to a more decisive, precedent that would serve as a foundational pathway for future, liberal ideals.

Conclusion: The Lingering Effects of New World Liberalism

The administrative goals of Roosevelt were met with innumerable adaptations, which ultimately entered their final stage of maturation in the post-war effort. After the United States was stricken with the Great Depression, the government misdiagnosed the overarching issue that contributed to the nation’s economic incompetencies at the time. It seems that the cultural, societal and intellectual landscape, however, helped reshape and refine the convictions of this ideological model, until it was adapted to a more polished form. Initially, it was a convoluted stew of anti-capitalist ideas designed to penalize the corporatist agencies and elite. However, it eventually became a symbol of economic restructuring and reform, in which social welfare and capitalism worked inter-depedently to yield a more economically sound nation as a whole. And these liberal ideas became ingrained in countless social welfare movements that characterized the 20th century, including those pertaining to civil rights, health care, and social welfare.


Arthur M. Schlesinger. Jr. (1959) The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935.Houghton Mifflin

Carol Berkin et al. (2011) Making America, Volume 2: A History of the United States: since 1865

David Von Drehle’s Triangle (2004)

Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore, “The Lon Exception: Rethinking the Place of the New Deal in American History.”International Labor and Working Class History, (2008)

Jerold S. Auerbach, “New Deal, Old Deal, or Raw Deal: Some Thoughts On New Left Historiography.”Journal of Southern History (1969)

Liz Cohen’s Making a New Deal (2008)

Social Democracy and Welfare Capitalism: A Century of Income Security Politics by Alexander Hicks

Sullivan, Arthur; Steven M. Sheridan (2003) Economics: Principles in action. Upper Saddle River: Pearson Prentice Hall

What are your thoughts on New Deal Liberalism, do you think it destabilizes corporate power or helps revive capitalism? Please add your comments below. Thank you.

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Discrimination Human Rights

Is discrimination ever tolerable? When should discrimination become a human rights issue?

If one had to explain what exactly discrimination is, in the context of mutual human relations, one could simply say that it is an action in which an individual is treated unfairly in comparison with another person, under similar circumstances. But the issue is far more complex than could be expressed so briefly as there are many forms of discrimination, both direct and indirect. While defining discrimination in plain and simple language would not be possible,  it can be stated that discrimination becomes noticeable only when a person is unjustifiably excluded from an activity or expelled completely from a group of people; and after it becomes noticeable it also becomes a human rights issue and needs to be dealt with seriously.

While unfairly treating a person or group of people differently from other people or groups of people can be termed as discriminatory and illegal, it certainly does not mean that discrimination is always unlawful. Two common examples of justified discrimination are affirmative action and varying height requirements for men and women who wish to be part of the Police Force. This kind of discrimination is, in fact, aimed at ironing out the existing inequalities. Affirmative action is used to give opportunities to already underrepresented groups. Similarly, having different height requirements for men and women means women are given an equal chance to be part of the Police Force.

There are instances where discrimination becomes absolutely essential and if not practiced there is a serious risk of causing harm to one or more persons. One would not expect a blind person or a person with limited vision to be issued with a driver’s license. The act of discriminating against him in this case, is crucial in ensuring his own safety and the safety of people on the road. In other words, discrimination against people with some kind of physical or mental disability becomes vital when it means putting them in life endangering situations. Similarly, one would not hire a person with learning disabilities to teach school children. One needs someone who can effectively teach the students and that would be impossible in this case. Discrimination in cases where a person is considered to be unqualified for a particular job should not actually be regarded as discrimination at all. If a person is not qualified for a particular profession or job, there might be many other opportunities that fit perfectly with their skills and expertise.

Discrimination in Society

Instances of justifiable gender discrimination can be seen in society and are definitely not considered to be wrong. A woman is treated with love and affection by her boyfriend. He would not do the same with one of his male friends, (if he’s heterosexual) and this is not discriminatory at all. Justifiably, a man with a terminal disease would either be unable to get health insurance or get it at a very high rate. A person who gets pulled over for driving drunk a couple of times, may get his license revoked and this is definitely rational discrimination.

The only negative side to defending certain forms of discrimination is that sometimes the line between the benefits and harms of discrimination is somewhat distorted. What seems right at the time from every logical angle may eventually turn out to be discriminatory in the future. In many ancient societies women were rarely allowed outside the house; they were considered to be weak and mentally less capable and therefore, not fit to do things other than household chores. At that time this was considered to be the norm but today it comes under gender-based discrimination. The only rational way to decide on an issue like this is to consider whether the particular discrimination has more benefits or harms and to decide accordingly.

Generally, discrimination becomes illegal when it is carried out in respect of a person (persons) belonging to a specific social group. If one doesn’t hire a mentally challenged person for a teaching job that would not be discrimination but if one excludes him simply because he is Asian, it definitely comes under discrimination. If this happens in rare instances, the said individual could always find a job elsewhere but if it becomes a general practice in society, whereby the person is unable to find a job anywhere, it is social discrimination. This means a personal dislike for a certain social group cannot always be fought against; every human being has the right to have likes and dislikes. However, if this dislike is so widespread in society that it affects a person’s right to a normal life, it is clearly discrimination.

Even in cases where the intention was not to discriminate, if the final outcome is the exclusion of a particular group and unequal opportunities for them, it will still be called discrimination. For example, if there is the same height requirement for men and women who wish to enter the army, this would mean fewer women would get in. If this gender inequality is present in other parts of society as well, then it means fewer employment opportunities for women and therefore, it is definitely discriminatory even if the intent was not there.

There are certain factors that are uncontrollable and therefore, being discriminated against on account of these factors is completely unjustified and unlawful. For example, one has no control over the color of one’s skin or one’s country of origin. Discrimination based on these factors, is thus all the more unfair.

There are five main factors which are used to discriminate against individuals. Discrimination against people from a particular race or a certain ethnic background is the most common one. Treating a person unfairly because of his/her sexual preferences is another. Using a person’s religion or belief system against him in a way where he is denied equal opportunities and is unable to profess his beliefs is also wrong. Age-based discrimination, whether it is because the person is too young or too old is still unjust. The last is unfavorable treatment of people with disabilities, both in employment and in general dealing.


Most countries in the world have some form of legislation to deal with cases of discrimination. The people of New Zealand, for example are protected against discrimination in a number of different areas in accordance with the Human Rights Act 1993 and with United Nations conventions. Similarly, the Employment and Industrial Relations Act (2002) completely prohibits discrimination in the workplace. Federal law prohibits discrimination based on (but not limited to) race, sex, religion, disability or age and yet it is only the state of Michigan and 6 other cities that have actually imposed a ban on discriminating against hiring people who are overweight. It is understandable if obese persons are unable to perform their duties but to overlook them simply because they don’t look good is completely unwarranted. The Citizens Medical Center in Texas only hires people with a body mass index less than 35. They claim that the intent is to hire people who appear normal and therefore do not attract attention to themselves. The policy clearly goes against the federal law on discrimination. Certain companies refrain from hiring smokers which is justifiable considering the side effects of the habit and the consequent higher health insurance premiums for such people. However, any form of physical appearance, which does not hinder the person from performing his work efficiently, cannot be used to discriminate against him. Appearance discrimination indicates intolerance towards the physical appearance of people which is completely and totally unjustified.

There are several courses of action that can be taken by a person who is being discriminated against. Going to court is one option but before going to the court one can also file a complaint with one of the several government bodies. These include the Industrial Tribunal  (under the Employment and Industrial Relations Act, 2002), the National Commission for Persons with Disability (under the Equal Opportunities (Persons with Disability) Act) , the National Commission for the Promotion of Equality for Men and Women  (under the Equality for Men and Women Act), the Public Service Commission (under the constitution of Malta), the Ombudsman (under the Ombudsman Act), the Broadcasting Authority (under the Constitution of Malta), and the Employment Commission (under the Constitution of Malta) .

In order for the authorities to take action, the complaint must be made by the victim himself. Legal Notice 461 0f 2004 and Legal Notice 85 of 2007 however, allows people or organizations with a legitimate interest in the case, to support the individual in judicial or administrative procedures, with his permission. By law, the National Commission for Persons with Disability has the power to assist such people. The assistance could be of a financial or legal nature or it could simply be help in writing the complaint. The Commissioner for the Promotion of Equality is empowered under Article 11 of the Equal Treatment of Persons Order, to investigate the matter and to take necessary steps if the complainant needs help in formulating the complaint itself.

Under the Employment and Industrial Relations Act, if there is a case where an employee has been dismissed without due cause or if there is any other violation under Title 1 of this Act, the matter will be transferred to the Industrial Tribunal for a decision, following a referral made by the complainant or someone acting on his behalf.


To conclude it needs to be emphasized that the defining factors in the act of discrimination change with time. What we consider a normal act today, might become discriminatory in the not-too-distant future. However, discriminatory actions against certain individuals or a particular group have far-reaching consequences and therefore cannot be taken lightly. Steps have to be taken to regulate society through effective legislation and through regulatory bodies that can take action against individuals or parties that are guilty of such discrimination.

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