International Relations Theory

International Relations Theory

The theories of international relations try to find out the key patterns of interaction between parties involved in international politics and provide a framework to explain the underlying structure and nature of these interactions (Nye, 2004). The theories generally state the manner in which international politics should be carried out and how the world should look like. According to Nye (2004) the theories have historically been viewed as unequal and competing with each individual theory providing its own alternative explanations to the nature of international relations. The historical evolution of the theories is that they try to critique the flaws of each other in providing an alternative explanation. The international relations field has evolved over time and has many theories which use different approaches, methodologies and explanations to explain interaction between nations (Nye, 2004). This paper tries to predict how states and other international actors would respond to an invention of reliable fusion energy technology which is cheap, abundant, safe, clean and carbon emission free by the scientists of one country’s government using neo-realism and neo-liberalism theories of international relations.

The availability of energy is critical to the running of every country. Many people therefore agree that the issue of energy security has been a very important for many countries since the energy crises that affected many countries in the 1970’s (Wenger, Robert & Jeronim, 2009). The oil consuming countries have experienced shortages in the past since they depend on oil imports from producing countries for supplies to meet their energy needs. The issue of energy security has therefore been very important in international relations debates. The energy debate has therefore been mostly shaped by the inequality between the oil producing and oil consuming countries. Oil supply has become a subject of both real and perceived susceptibility for different states (Wenger et.al. 2009). Different studies have been carried out in relations to the increased rate of energy consumption and increased dependency on energy imports by different countries. The studies have also focused on the contribution of competition for energy to different conflicts. The international relations theories can be directly applied in understanding the forms of collaboration, competition and conflicts relating to energy. This paper seeks to try and explain the underlying theoretical assumptions the neo-realism and the neo-liberalism theories provide for understanding what would happen if one country discovered a new and more efficient fusion energy technology.

Neo-Realism and Energy

Neo-realism is one of the general schools of thought within international relations and was put forward by Kenneth Waltz (Nye, 2004). The theory is a specific variant of realism. In the neo-realist theory waltz classified the actors in international relations into three levels. These levels include the individual, the state and the interstate system. According to this system the interstate system is the most important in international relations. According to this theory the interstate system comprises of states actors which compete with each other to fulfil their own self-interests (Nye, 2004).

The neo realist theory makes three important assumptions about the states and the characteristics of the international system in which they belong. First the interstate system is anarchical in nature with each state being sovereign from each other and therefore chaos is expected since no state can control the others. According to Walt (1998) “the international system consisted of great powers each seeking to survive and because the system is anarchic each state has to survive on its own”. In this system the survival of any state is not guaranteed and in order to survive each state is driven to accumulate power in order to provide for its own security. According to Wendt (1992) “Each country in this system acts in its own self interest in order to maximize its own survival and is therefore driven to accumulate as much power as possible”. Conflict may therefore arise as there is no supreme authority to prevent way between states due to a breakdown in international relations.

Another assumption of the neo-realist theory is that the functions of each state within the system are not differentiated. Each state is tasked with providing security for its citizens from external threat and ensuring there is law and order internally. The final assumption is that the distribution of resources between the similar countries determines the balance of power between these countries. This means that each country has its own resources and capabilities to counter the resources of another country. The status quo in the system is therefore that no one country can be able to dominate all the other countries and therefore each country tries to be better than the other rather than better than all of them put together.

The three assumptions about the nature of the international system lead to a number of hypothesis on how countries are likely to behave within the system. One of the most important hypotheses about the behaviour of states within such a system is that states are more likely to balance against the rising powers and growing threats rather than bandwagon with these states. The balance of power theory provides that each state is independent to choose whether to balance internally by allocating more resources to economic security and the military or to balance externally by forming alliances with states with similar interests and therefore similar enemies. The neo-realist theory is concerned more with power over morality, stability over justice and continuity over change.

International Relations Theory
International Relations Theory

Predicting what would happen if a new energy technology was invented using the neo-realist approach requires understanding how this new energy would affect the existing balance of power within the energy sector. There is a balance which exists internationally between the energy producing countries and the consumers. However this balance is threatened by the issue of energy security. After the oil shocks of the 1970’s the security of supply of oil became a matter of security concern for many developed countries. Security can be defined from an offensive or defensive point of view. According to the neo-realist security is from the defensive point of view due to the anarchy structure of the society. According to the neo-realist theory, states struggle to survive within an international system that does not have a worldwide authority to controls what happens. To maximize their chances of survival states therefore try to rise to power by accessing the required resources and therefore influence their relationship. Energy security is the only vulnerability point for many developed countries and therefore they sometime prefer to use an offensive strategy to secure the source.

According to the neo-realist theory security is not considered to be as a result of the direct threat but the political interpretation of the threat. The international relations theory considers anarchy as part of the international system which is why states are very concerned about security. In the international arena there are energy related interactions between states which involve an energy dependency between the states. In the international system the energy interaction involves export, import and transit of energy resources. Energy security between states   can be measured using the strength of dependence which is determined by factors such as possibility of diversification, level of domestic resources and the energy trade balance. The dependence of a state on energy from another state is perceived as a threat. A good example is the European countries which depend on Russia for their gas supply. Russia uses manipulation of gas supply and prices as a tool for political influence. Many countries therefore realise that there can be no energy security if one of the energy supplying nations is willing and able to use energy resources as a weapon of influence.

From the above analysis and using the neo-realist theory the states and other international actors would respond in different ways to an invention by one government scientist of a new reliable energy solution. The first way in which the state actors would respond to the invention is through cooperation. The state and international actors with similar interest would form an alliance to protect their own interests. As the States and international actors which currently supply energy would try to maximize their chances of survival in the new order they would form alliances to counter the new country which is rising due to supplying alternative source of energy.

The Neo-realist theory also suggests that the new technology would provide, power, influence status, security, respectability and prestige on both the regional and international stage. The fact that one country owns the technology will increase the worries and fears of the neighbouring states. This would be construed as a threat to the states in the region which may spiral out of control in the form of a regional wide race for the new technology. The neo-realists argue that the states will try to balance internally by allocating more resources in this case to researching the new energy technology.

Neo-liberalism and international energy politics

New liberalism is another widely used theory to explain state behaviour in international relations. This theory emerged in the 1970’s and 1980’s (Baldwin,1993). The neo-liberalist theory was developed as a response to the neo-realist theory. The neo-liberalist accepted the neo-realist argument that states operate in a state of anarchy. However, the neo-liberalists argue that even in the anarchic international system made up of independent states, cooperation can be possible through building institutions, norms and regimes which will bring about positive results for everyone.

According to Peet (2003) “neo-liberals states are not supposed to attack each other but should consider each other as legal and non-threatening”. They believe that global economic ties and international organizations act to strengthen peace. The neo-liberalists believe that the rule of law and the strengthening of democracy make it easier for states to cooperate. The theory advocates that having economic interdependence helps countries meet their needs better than through war. The main tools of this theory are international institutions and free international trade which allows for free movement of goods, ideas and resources which allows people to find affordable resources and to maximize their profits. The neo-liberals also believe that the state should not control the market but let the market forces control the market. The European Union a regional institution has been a good example of how sovereign states can cooperate through economic and political interdependence making war unthinkable in the region (Pease 2012).

The neo-liberal approach can be used to explain what could happen in international energy politics if a new sustainable energy technology is developed. In order to understand what would happen if a more sustainable energy source was invented by one state from a neo-liberal perspective it is important to understand what the current situation is from a neoliberal explanation. Currently the energy market is a less liberalised and is mostly controlled by states and international actors. This allows many illiberal practices to take place in relation to international relations of the energy industry. Some of the notable illiberal practices in the energy sector are secret deals between international companies and oil producing countries which have led to underdevelopment, resource conflicts and support of authoritarian governments (Wenger et.al. 2009). A Neo-Liberal approach would aim at eliminating all the illiberal practices which occur in the market due to control by the state.

From a neo-liberal perspective state and other actors would respond in different ways to the invention of a new energy solution. First states would respond by promoting regional and worldwide energy organization and institutions. From the liberal perspective the development of a big organization with many members would allow members to cooperate and benefit from the new energy technology. A big energy organisation would ensure that the whole market is controlled by one organization which would make liberalising the market easier.

Another way that the state would respond is through greater liberalisation of the economy to eliminate the imperfections within the energy market. Allowing the market forces to determine who provides the energy solution would ensure that only the most economically efficient institution provide the energy solution eliminating the threat of war and conflicts often associated with other forms of energy. This is essential to promote healthy international relations.

Another possible response by state and international actors is international regulation which would deter illegal trade and practices which often lead to conflicts. A nice example of this is the international regulations of diamonds which were seen as the major cause of conflict in different parts of Africa. The regulations require the global diamond industry to commit them to an international process of diamond certification. A similar regulation would be made for the sector.

Another likely way the actors would respond is by promoting good governance in different states to eliminate the illegal practises such as rent seeking and distortions by the rent seeking states. The international actors are likely to demand for more transparency, fairness and accountability in order to ensure that price of the new technology is managed in a more efficient way. The states would respond by demanding more transparency to avoid secret deals which strengthen illiberal practices and undermine international relations. Openness would be one of the preconditions for the different state and international actors to cooperate.

Conclusion

International relations theories provide good models for explaining the nature of international relations in different sectors. The theories offer alternative explanations for the interactions. The neorealist theory view states as competing against each other. It can therefore be conclude that the states would respond in a way that best meets their own self interest. On the other hand the neo-liberal argue that the states will respond in such a way that the cooperation brings positive results for everyone.

References

Barkin J. Samuel, (2002) “Efficiency and ideas,” in international relations: The Key Concepts. New York: Routledge.

Baldwin, David A. 1993. Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism: The Contemporary Debate, New York: Columbia University Press.

Nye, Joseph S. 2004. Soft Power in International Relations: the means to success in world politics. New York: Public Affairs

Peet, Richard. (2003) “Neoliberalism and Nature: The Case of the WTO”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol 590 p188–211.

Pease, Kelly-Kate, (2012) “Critical Theories and Approaches,” in International Relations and Organizations: Perspectives on Governance in the Twenty-First Century. New York: Longman.

Walt, Stephen M., (1998), “International Relations: One world, Many theories,” Foreign policy Vol 110 p29-46.

Wendt, Alexander. 1992. ‘Anarchy is what states makes of it: the social construction of power’, International Relations Organization, vol 41 (3) p50-57.

Wenger, Andreas; Robert W. Orttung, Jeronim Perovic. (2009). Energy and the Transformation of International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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Ontology and Epistemology

Ontology and Epistemology

Ontology is the branch of metaphysics. Ontology exists since the beginning of the universe. The most famous example of Ontology and Epistemology was the dialogues of Plato and Aristotle. Ontology is the enquiry of existence. To inquire about universe, existence of God, matter, and after death happenings is some of the questions (uldaho.edu). According to Marsh et al (2002), the theory and science of being is ontology. Ontology tells us how the world has come into existence. Moreover, it also provides us the information of other world. However, its political implication is also possible because regarding the political and social contest and its nature it satisfies us (Hay, 2002). The world is always there beyond our knowledge and life exists since unknown times; however, this is one phenomenon. The other shows us that in real world is nothing instead time and culture provide a base and it is constructed obliquely and socially.

The question “What is there?” is the core concern of ontology. The relevant material regarding ontology was acquired from Aristotle and Plato’s dialogues. Aristotle defines at great length the general topic in his dissertation about things or natural things. Metaphysics, which is the source of ontology, clearly defines ontology. Therefore, to understand ontology the understanding of metaphysics is necessary. The process of thinking regarding things and defining them in words is metaphysics.

The implications of ontologies are beyond the human understanding. Presently, several breakthroughs have been observed in desktops of domain experts and Artificial-Intelligence laboratories. Moreover, the World-Wide Web is taking great advantages through the utilization of ontology. On WWW, it is being utilized to categorize large taxonomies and classifications of products to enhance their features for sale Yahoo! In addition, Amazon.com is the prominent benefiter of ontology. In addition, great work is under progress for the Resource Description Framework (Brickley and Guha 1999).

The recognition of truth and falsehood, and the means of obtaining knowledge is the core focus of epistemology. It is an investigative science. Priori and posteriori knowledge and its practice is an inseparable part of epistemology. Epistemology teaches us how we can get knowledge by simply improving our thinking. It describes how to learn things without seeing them. Therefore, epistemology is an indivisible segment of our thinking process. The opposite of epistemology is ontology. If ontology is religion, than epistemology is science. Religion describes that God exists but epistemology wants proofs, scientific and concrete, rational and logical evidence of God’s presence. Therefore, all the atheists are the great lovers of epistemology.

Ontology and Epistemology
Ontology and Epistemology

The role of Durkheim is very significant in the development of sociology. His social cohesion and provocative theories and his social facts concept provided a base for future research work. Durkheim differentiated sociology methodologically and theoretically from present schools of philosophy and history because they also consider social issues. His most famous theory of social facts is acknowledged globally (Durkheim 2012).

Durkheim’s renowned words are still the base of sociology’s objectivity “a matter of treating ‘social facts as things.” In other words, Durkheim suggests the sociologists to treat ‘social facts’ as facts. These facts can only be proved by empirical examination or by peripheral inspection through the utilization of statistics, legal codes indicators. Moreover, the wills of individuals and their demonstration underpinning through moral or legal rules are important for social facts. In addition, in infinite forms that composes a fixed object through a stable attribution, which facilitates the observer; thus, for personal observation or subjective impressions no room is left (Durkheim 2012).

Durkheim Emile: Edited with an Introduction Steven Lukes: Translated by W. D. Halls: The rules of sociological methods, (1982).

Emile Durkheim studied various subjects from crime and suicide, native religious totems and insignias and other phenomena to find the answer of the question what adhesive force bind together social groups and societies. Moreover, he wanted to know how people in industrial and modern societies are bound together despite they do not have acquaintance with each other. In addition, despite their social positions and experiences’ dissimilarities they are within the fold of similar society. Obviously, it is a surprising thing in a growing world of individualistic; the base of society social ties is adhered.

Conclusion

In the current essay ontology, epistemology and social facts theory of Durkheim have been discussed briefly. Ontology and epistemology are reciprocals and their utilization has increased widely in several scientific and rational sciences. Durkheim was a rationalist and great believer of epistemology; however, in later life he transformed towards ontologism.

References

Durkheim, E. (2012) The Elementary Forms Of The Religious Life. Courier Dover Publications.

Hay, Colin (2002) Political Analysis: A Critical Introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave.

Marsh, David and Furlong, Edward (2002): ‘Ontology and Epistemology in Political Science’ in

Marsh, David and Stoker, Gerry (eds.): Theory and Methods in Political Science, 2nd edition. Basingstoke: Palgrave.

Brickley, D. and Guha, R.V. (1999) Resource Description Framework (RDF) Schema Specification. Proposed Recommendation

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Feminist Movement

Feminist Movement

Introduction

In the beginning of the sixties, feminist movement emerged as a social movement which concentrates on dealing with issues related to women. It sought to tackle issues such as abortion, domestic violence, sexual assault, voting issues, violence against women, sexism, etc. it influenced all spheres of life and concentrated on removing sexism and male chauvinism from society. Similarly, it has influenced the field of arts, which was also dominated by males. According to researchers, dealers and curators mostly consisted of males and they preferred male artists. This trend had negatively influenced women artists and they were excluded from major art events and exhibitions. Consequently, they did not get the chance to get acknowledged for their work and skills. During the time of discrimination against women and in the such an environment, where women were not acknowledged for their work and skills along with male chauvinism, female artists expressed their views through art in order to deal with patriarchal society. According to scholars, feminist art is defined as the art which concentrates on tackling patriarchy and to define and pave way for social creation of feminism. Several feminist artists came into view to deal with male chauvinism. The aim and objective of this research article is to explore true feminism.

This article will concentrate on discussing feminism and feminism movement. It will provide an overview on what feminism is all about and how it influenced art. At the same time, it will concentrate on feminism art of the sixties. It will also explore feminism and feminism art in today’s time. The main aim of this research article is to explore the topic of true feminism art of the sixties and feminism art of the twenty first century in the lights of broad and diverse academic resources. This article will employ the use of various journals, books, encyclopedias, magazines and electronic resources to discuss the topic of feminism art of sixties and twentieth first centuries. It will concentrate on discussing the works of prominent feminist artists and the events, which gave rise to feminism movement.

Feminist Movement: Overview

The feminist movement is also called the Women’s liberation movement which sought to deal and tackle with issues such as abortion, maternity leave, harassment and violence against women, domestic violence, genital mutilation of females, honour killings, etc. Scholars and academic have divided feminist movements into three waves, which have dealt with several aspects of feminism but in a different way. The first wave feminist had initiated between the nineteen and twentieth centuries and it was mainly concerned with Suffrage movement. The second wave of feminism was the period between sixties and eighties in which feminists sought to deal with discrimination against women in society and law. It had the basic ideas of first wave feminism. The basic idea behind these movements was to struggle and to improve the conditions of women. According to researchers, feminism is defined as the continuous battle against the oppression and suppression of females. It was essential to initiate the feminist movement because women were subjugated at all levels in the Western society. The feminist movement aimed at removing this bias and concentrated on removing sexism from society so that women would also get a chance to develop their careers. It is one of the most influential and long lasting social movements which have influenced women in all spheres of life.

Feminism and Art

The feminist art is considered to be the hard work and achievements of feminists, who worked hard to use art as a medium to represent the lives and experiences of women so that they can bring change in society as well as in contemporary art. Feminism art main aim was to ensure that women become more visible in the history and practice of art.  The feminist movement started somewhere in the sixties and continued to develop in the seventies. Consequently, it gave rise to the notion “second wave of feminism”, which is persistent in today’s time. It was in the California State University of Fresno, where the first feminism art education program was started. The number of students was not more than fifteen and their instructor was Judy Chicago. She helped in the influencing the early feminism art and employed the use of costumer, video, performance in order to express feminism. In Los Angeles, Judy Chicago founded the art program. Together with Miriam Schapiro, they created Woman House in the early seventies. With the popularity of feminism movement, women emerged as separate and distinct individuals of society and started working with men. Artists such as Judy Chicago and Miriam Schapiro, Suzanne Lacy, Faith Wilding, June Wayne, Mary Kelly, Dara Birnbaum, etc emerged in the world of art and brought piece of art to represent feminism. In the seventies and eighties, the Women’s Building was considered to be the essential hub for feminist artist to gather and exchange views. In the same arena, conferences, conventions, workshops and exhibitions were held to discuss and promote feminist art. At the same time, Women’s Video Festival was introduced in order to promote feminist art.

Feminist Movement
Feminist Movement

Feminism History

According to researchers, feminism is considered to be theory which concentrates on political, economic and social equality of genders. As a social movement, it is considered to be the organized movement, which strives to work for women rights and interests. The history of feminism has been divided and classified by academics and researchers in three waves, first wave, second wave and third wave. The third wave feminism starts from nineteenth century to early twenty first century. The second wave starts from late sixties and late eighties. The third wave starts from nineties till recent times. The first wave feminism had started in the United Kingdom and United States. It concentrated on removing the inequalities which were officially mandated. Feminists of this time included Mary Wollstonecraft, Lucy Stone, Helen Pitts, Olympia Brown, etc.  According to researchers, the first wave ended when the U.S Constitution allowed the women to vote. It was considered to be big step for women. Other significant victories of this first wave included new reforms in education, healthcare and other professions. However, the second wave of feminism concentrates on the unofficial inequalities and it was important to tackle them. It created a link with issues, which had to be addressed in order to change the present situation of women. This wave allowed women to understand their lives personally and politically.

History of First Wave Feminism

In the 1800, women did not have any control in their life. During this time, an average married female was the mother of seven children. They could not get higher education. In wealthy families, women interfered in domestic issues but did not have any property rights. At the same time, religious restrictions also hindered with the growth and development of women. In the 1790, the Second Great Awakening had started which allowed women to show their leadership skills outside the domestic sphere. Several movements were started. Angelina and Sarah Grimke are considered to be famous and prominent abolitionists who had criticized and defied social customs. They publicly addressed the American Anti-Slavery Society and were severely criticized. In order to respond to criticism, Sarah Grimke wrote “Letters of Equality of the Sexes.”

First wave feminism is considered to be the era in which the feminism activities were started during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It started in United States and United Kingdom and aimed at removing gender discrimination. It concentrated on women’s suffrage because women were not allowed to vote during those times. From Miriam Schneir perspective, the first wave of feminism was the time when woman had taken her pen to protect herself from male chauvinism and gender discrimination. According to historians, Mary Wollstonecraft was the first female who had published the very first feminist treatises. The name of her treatises was, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. In it, she expressed her views of current situation of women and supported the fact that there should be gender equality. In her uncompleted work, by the name of Maria or Wrongs of Woman, she had extensively discussed and explored the topic of sexual desires of women. It was criticized severely because it sought to talk on female sexuality. British feminists consider Wollstonecraft as the founder of British feminism. It was because of her ideas; feminists in Britain strived and campaigned for the right to vote. After continuous efforts, some women were given the privilege to vote in the year 1918. During the same time, Maria Stopes emerged and wrote a sex manual by the name of Married Love. The basic aim of this manual was to concentrate on the issue of equality in marriage. It also talked about female sexuality and its importance.

In the United States, Margaret Fuller was considered to be the pioneer of feminist work. She had written Woman in the Nineteenth Century. In United States, several prominent and well known feminist activists emerged. Active feminist movement members included women such as Lucy Stone, Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, etc. these women were also the same individuals who made continuous efforts to remove slavery from the American society. Other prominent activist includes Victoria Woodhull and Matilda Gage, who worked hard to ensure that women get the right to vote. Several of these women had to face charges because of the fact that they had raised their voices. Carrie Chapman, Alice Paul, Sarah Grimke, etc are the name of some of the woman who violated the laws so that their voices could be heard. The first wave feminism consisted of women who belong from orthodox Christian groups. According to researchers, first-wave feminists are considered to be sensible and moderate and were ready to work within the system of politics.

According to researchers, the first wave of feminism was very different from second wave of feminism because of several issues. Firstly, it did not deal with social issues such as abortion, etc. They did not talk about the reproductive rights, which women have. According to researchers, feminists of that time did give views on marriage and asserted that woman has the right to refuse sex. However, marital rape had no legal recourse. During that time, feminists also talked on unwanted pregnancies and birth control pills. In the year 1860, Married Women’s Property Act was passed. It allowed women the authority and power to voice their opinions in the wills of their children. It also gave them inheritance laws. It was in the year 1920, when women were given the permission to vote. This was a major event and a big victory for feminists because it influenced the lives of women and gave the place for second wave feminist movement.

History of Second Wave Feminism

The second wave feminism movement is considered to be the feminist movement which took place from early sixties and continued to develop in the seventies. The first wave feminist movement concentrated mainly on the legal equality. However, second wave feminism concentrated on several social issues such as abortion, domestic violence, work discrimination against women, violence against women, reproductive rights of women, marital rape, etc.  This second wave of feminism emerged in the late forties in which patriarchal concepts emerged. Television shows such as Father knows Best, etc are the male chauvinist programs which concentrated on the fact that woman are best to be housewives and mothers.

The Second Sex has been written by Simone de Beauvoir. In her work, she explained that women were considered to be ‘other’ in the male dominated society. She came to the conclusion that male dominance has taken roots in the entire world and it is accepted as a norm. Women are viewed as objects and their work is to become pregnant, look after their children and menstruate and there is no valid justification to categorize them as the ‘second sex’.

According to Cynthia Fuchs Epstein, Betty Friedan had openly criticized and protested against the image of women, which was depicted in the media. Women were placed at homes, to do house-chores and take care of children. This image was publicized and hindered in the development and growth of women. It showed that women did not have talent. The concept of perfect family consisted of husband, who was the bread earner and the wife, as the home maker and caregiver of children. This concept did not show happiness but rather degraded women.

During this movement, President Kennedy had appointed Esther Peterson to occupy one a high post in his administration. He also founded the Presidential Commission on the Status of Women. Eleanor Roosevelt was the chairperson of the Commission. Betty Friedan released, Feminine Mystique in the year 1963. In the same year, President John F Kennedy administration released a report which demonstrated that women were subjected to severe and harsh discrimination in United States. With Friedan book and report, several housewives criticized and show discontent and dissatisfaction on the present condition of women. This led to the development and formation of several local and government feminist organizations, which concentrated on liberating women from male oppression and subjugation. This was the starting point of the movement.

The movement grew and prospered and won several legal cases. These achievements include Equal Pay Act of 1963, Amendments in the Civil Rights Act of 1964, etc. Friedan joined forces with several women and men to lay down the foundations for NOW: National Organization for Women. Other significant victories of the movement are as follows:

  • Formation of Executive Order
  • Women’s Educational Equity Act
  • Equal Credit Opportunity Act
  • Pregnancy Discrimination Act
  • Illegalization of marital rape
  • No-fault divorce legalization
  • Allowing women to enter the military

The above are some of the major achievements of the second wave feminism. The second wave of feminism assisted women to become aware of them and gave them the opportunity to look at their personal lives. According to researchers, the goal of the second wave feminism was to remove the negative images of the women and to create their positive images in order to respond to these negative images. At the same time, it concentrated on removing oppression.

Abortion Act of 1967

The Abortion Act of 1967 was introduced in the year 1967 by the Parliament of United Kingdom. It made abortion legal if practiced by registered and authorized practitioners. David Steel was responsible for introducing this Act. It was subjected to heavy criticism and became one of the most debatable and controversial subject of all times. However, it was passed on twenty seventh of October in the year 1967. David Steel supported this Act because there were several women who had died because of illegal abortion practices. At the same time, such unwanted children were sent to orphanages or were looked after by relatives. They were also sent abroad. The act ensured that abortion remained legal in the United   Kingdom. It ensured that abortion was legal up to twenty eight weeks of pregnancy.

Sisters of 77

Sisters of 77” is considered to be an important documentary which concentrated on giving insight on the history of women. It was shown on the first National Women’s Conference and sought to end the discrimination and oppression of women. It concentrated on removing gender inequality. This was the first conference which was funded by the federal government and it was brought by more than twenty thousand men and women.

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New Deal Liberalism

New Deal Liberalism – Destabilizing Corporate Power or Reviving Capitalism?

Introduction: The Beginning Stages of the New Deal Movement

Between 1933 and 1936, Franklin Delano Roosevelt created a series of policies that eventually inspired innovation and economic growth in the United States. His former interpretation of the New Deal Movement, however, was not likely a planned response to a serious economic downturn, one which affected America’s past and caused one of the most horrible economic depressions in United States history. Before it became a more structured idea, it existed as a hasty movement fueled by frantic desperation (Auerbach, 1969). In his text, Auerbach likens this historical movement to a bandaid used after emergency surgery, as a means of depicting how rushed this movement truly was. While this movement was vaguely inspired by the age of enlightenment, it was based very loosely on individualistic principles of free speech, and the notions of unalienable rights. But conceptually speaking, it could not be easily defined.

Working class individuals were grappling greater levels of power in both their professional lives and in the political realm. As noted by Cohen, they formed the New Democratic Coalition, “To promote a notion of government that protected the well-being of ordinary Americans,”ensuring a more “activist federal government” (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg 3). The new role of government now entailed supporting the welfare state (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg 3). There was a transference in goals from the concept of capitalism, to that of the welfare state. (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 8). Mass consumption became an ordinary fixture in American life, and was most notably observed during the post war era of America, as well (Cohen, Making a New Deal,113).

It was based on a few, central beliefs, such as the goals of relief, recovery and reform (Berkin, 2011). Relief for impoverished and unemployed citizens, recovery of the ailing economy, and the reform of the country’s checkered financial infrastructure. As noted by Cohen, there were numerous religious and ethnic organizations that catered to the poor and homeless, exhausting their financial esources with free soup kitchens (Cohen, p 220). The power of the Democratic party increased (Cohen, p 3), and they exercised a frontal assault on previously touted corporate and capitalistic norms. Once again, the working class population unionized, demanded more rights, and gained more political power in the Democratic party (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg. 3). Careworn skeptics were against this movement in its earliest stages, etching a major division throughout the nation, dividing conservative Republicans and liberals.

Liberals were forced to change beliefs and convictions once firmly held by society. The original ideas that gave rise to the New Deal Liberalism were gradually changed, along with the societal landscape of the time. These ideas, which sprouted from the very depths of the Great Depression and World War II, were eventually replaced by more fitting ones, ones which were more adapted to the growing bureaucracy of the time. Hence, a consumer-centric economy became the principal focus of the “New Deal Liberalism” economy created by FDR and Congress at the time. As expressed in Cohen’s introduction of making a New Deal, mass production became very common as well. While entrepreneurs and businesses had initially achieved prominence in the nation, consumers began to gain more power and mass production became more common. Furthermore, the working class became militant in their efforts to reclaim control, which is a concept frequently highlighted by Cohen.

The Elusive Meaning of New Deal Liberalism

Many contenders battered this principle with ridicule, deeming it awash of substance and an identifiable concept. Lacking organization, it left many baffled and unable to truly define and grasp what New Deal Liberalism truly was. While the notion of New Deal Liberalism remains fairly unclear for some, it once conveyed the lessening of corporate and capitalistic control, and the deference of power and influence to the consumer and governmental agencies (Alexander Hicks). This differs markedly from its initial definition, as it now promoted the enactment of infrastructure and social welfare programs. The welfare state was now growing in increasing popularity (Cohen, 3). The dispersion of economic power became the primary concern in latter models of the New Deal Liberalism movement. While the New Deal Liberalism movement developed into a vaguely delineated program, it burgeoned idealistically into a more tangible concept, one that would ultimately be defined as a consumer focused society predicated on the beliefs of social equality. For example, Cohen discusses how an idea sprouted into unions, welfare programs, political protests, and cooperation among working class individuals of all ethnicities.

Utilizing the tools of an operative, state apparatus, liberals were able to fine tune the principal role of the government, as an entity responsible for the social welfare of its peoples. In the context of the New Deal Movement, the federal government gained more control, and Democratic, working class liberals advocate welfare programs, which benefited the impoverished (Cohen 3, 220). Many of the nation’s greatest struggles were attributed to capitalism, and the government’s preeminent role was to revise any flaws perpetuated by this capitalistic structure. They envisioned a redistribution of wealth and income that would stabilize in the nation. Even staunch proponents of corporatist ideals wished to buffer the control exercised by capitalists and corporations at this time

The Evolution of New Deal Liberalism

Towards the end of 1937, New Deal Liberalism as movement began to wane, and it gradually and decisively evolved into ideological rationales based less on political discourse, and more on social welfare. This idea, however, should be noted not as a fact, but as a conclusion based on the events that transpired during this era. For example, while many militant liberals formerly opposed capitlism, these anti-business sentiments eventually dissolved. This may be a result of America’s ideas about individualism. Som even argue that the social welfare state did not last and that leftist activism was strictly discouraged. Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore argued this point, reminding readers that the welfare state would disappear if conservatives gained power (Cowie and Salvatore, 2008). The transmutation of this idea occurred with many gradually accumulating, miniscule changes that were imperceptible to liberals at the time. By 1945, this idea had matured markedly.

Factors Contributing To the Evolution of New Deal Liberalism

The pre and post war era was reshaped and molded by a slew of converging factors. Urbanization was beginning to proliferate throughout the nation, and this aided the maturation of these ideas. Factories and other industrial jobs were growin in popularity, and working class individuals took on these opportunities, as described in many of Cohen’s narratives in making a New Deal (Cohen, making a new deal). A waning level of power and influence was noted among merchants, capitalists, etc. In this world of destabilizing control, bureaucracies ascended the rankings, and governmental agencies enveloped the sources of power once reserved for the corporate world. Once again, Cohen touches upon this idea by highlighting the formation of federal government powers (Cohen, Making a New Deal, pg. 3). Furthermore, these ideas evolved as consumers grappled increasing levels of political and public control. The exceptionally wide range of ideas that defined New Deal Liberalism were often marked as a master class of obfuscation, with very little clarity. Both Alvin Hansen and Richard Hofstader proved that they were not uncritical defenders of this idea (Cowie and Salvatore, 2008). Instead, they repeatedly cite their apparent confusion with what this idea truly encapsulated. But as years progressed, social welfare and economic reform became the most predominant ideals of this movement (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 3).

New Deal Liberalism
New Deal Liberalism

Conflicting Definitions of New World Liberalism

Many fiercely competing belief systems detracted from the overall coherence of this idea. This concept required some time to take a unified, coherent form. One particular sector of society comprised firm contenders against capitalism, whom attributed the nations problems to the centralized and potently concentrated power of the capitalistic economy and corporate structure. This fueled unionization among many working class groups (Cohen, Making a New Deal, 3). Other opposing parties upheld an alternative facet of New Deal Liberalism. Some offered compelling arguments to support the integration of governmental authority with control with the economy. Others proposed radical leaps of change, purporting that capitalism became obsolete after the events of the Great Depression, and that an entirely novel system was needed to fully restructure the country’s economy. However, many scholars have reflected back, calling this a form of communism or socialism. In The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935, it is noted that Harold Lare led a communist movement, along with many other radicals at the time (Schlesinger, 1959). Hence, New Deal Liberalism was a dispersive movement that fragmented the population into varying directions. In spite of its conflicting framework, this idea did grow and develop over time into a more clear, and organized set of ideas.

A Communal, Consumer-centric Vision

There were major attempts to centralize and restore the equity of power in various facets of society as indicated by the leftist activism discussed (Cohen, 3). This emerged most notably in regional and agricultural planning, as noted by the Agricultural Adjustments Administration and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Infrastructure projects, including bridges and irrigation systems, were a defining feature of the New Deal Movement. Furthermore, social welfare programs increased rapidly as this movement was developing. By 1945, this idea bore little resemblance to that of its earlier days. The initial opposition to capitalism dissolved. Instead, this latter model began to propose a inter-depedent framework comprising both state-level control and capitalism, in which the state would ameliorate capitalism’s flaws. The crux of this newly revised ideological model proposed the expansion of an all-encompassing welfare state. The anti-monopoly sentiment still pervaded the air of this time, but the efforts shifted to a differing type of reform. This new type of world view was based on Keynesian economic, which will be discussed.

The new model of New World Liberalism was one in which the corporate world and the social welfare efforts could coexist and manifest an economically healthy environment. Instead of penalizing the financially elite, these new liberals concocted a very different approach, deeming the government responsible for protecting the industrial world’s well being. Instead of merely reforming the economy, they believed it was necessary for the government to expand it as well. In essence, the newly proposed model of social welfare and reform would serve as a cultivating atmosphere in which corporations could grow steadily within the contextual framework of the society and economy. In essence, the government was expected to supply the capitalistic world with a nourishing element to help it flourish.

Focus switched from intruding into daily affairs, to the notion of Keynesianism, the concept that an individual state could regulate control of the economy without directly muting and curtailing control exercised by economic institutions (Sullivan, 2003). As New Deal Liberalism became reassembled into a more evolved format, it experienced a substantial period of change. The Roosevelt New Deal Liberalism was a disoriented stew of desperate ideas and attempts to repair the economy, as well as an impulsive prescription to the nation’s capitalistic flaws. However, the World War II period was met with significant changes to this concept. As time proceeded forth, Keynesian ideas were implemented, garnering increasing levels of support. It was only until the post war efforts that this formerly makeshift ideology was shaped in to a more decisive, precedent that would serve as a foundational pathway for future, liberal ideals.

Conclusion: The Lingering Effects of New World Liberalism

The administrative goals of Roosevelt were met with innumerable adaptations, which ultimately entered their final stage of maturation in the post-war effort. After the United States was stricken with the Great Depression, the government misdiagnosed the overarching issue that contributed to the nation’s economic incompetencies at the time. It seems that the cultural, societal and intellectual landscape, however, helped reshape and refine the convictions of this ideological model, until it was adapted to a more polished form. Initially, it was a convoluted stew of anti-capitalist ideas designed to penalize the corporatist agencies and elite. However, it eventually became a symbol of economic restructuring and reform, in which social welfare and capitalism worked inter-depedently to yield a more economically sound nation as a whole. And these liberal ideas became ingrained in countless social welfare movements that characterized the 20th century, including those pertaining to civil rights, health care, and social welfare.

References

Arthur M. Schlesinger. Jr. (1959) The Age of Roosevelt: The Coming of the New Deal, 1933-1935.Houghton Mifflin

Carol Berkin et al. (2011) Making America, Volume 2: A History of the United States: since 1865

David Von Drehle’s Triangle (2004)

Jefferson Cowie and Nick Salvatore, “The Lon Exception: Rethinking the Place of the New Deal in American History.”International Labor and Working Class History, (2008)

Jerold S. Auerbach, “New Deal, Old Deal, or Raw Deal: Some Thoughts On New Left Historiography.”Journal of Southern History (1969)

Liz Cohen’s Making a New Deal (2008)

Social Democracy and Welfare Capitalism: A Century of Income Security Politics by Alexander Hicks

Sullivan, Arthur; Steven M. Sheridan (2003) Economics: Principles in action. Upper Saddle River: Pearson Prentice Hall

What are your thoughts on New Deal Liberalism, do you think it destabilizes corporate power or helps revive capitalism? Please add your comments below. Thank you.

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Jurisprudence Positivists

Jurisprudence Positivists

There is only one doctrine which has a unique and different association with legal positivism. The name of this doctrine is separation of law and morals and ethical values. The principal aim of jurisprudence positivists has been to establish that the essential properties of law do not include moral bearings. Positivism has a different approach as compared to classical natural law. At the same time, it is completely different from the modern approaches, which were introduced by Lon Fuller and Ronald Dworkin. Positivists strongly emphasize on removing the connection between law and morality.  H.L.A Hart is the author of ‘Positivism and the Separation of Law and Moral”. In this article, he contended that positivism is a philosophy and concept which is based on nature of law. Furthermore, he insisted that positivism does not tell how lawyers should reason, judges should decide or citizens should act. Hart defended Jeremy Bentham and John Austin who he took as his main predecessors, the insistence on the need of essential and compulsory link between law and morality. Legal positivism indeed involves nothing more than ‘the contention that there is no necessary connection between law and morality.’ Therefore, Hart settles for a single core positivist legal thought that ‘it is no sense a necessary truth that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality, though in fact they have often done so.’ Many other philosophers, encouraged by Hart, consider that concept denies the essential and needed link between law and morality. Jules Coleman does not hesitate at all in ascribing this legal positivism thesis. This is perhaps the prevailing view of legal positivists.

During the past decades, this prevailing view has come into questions. It has been regarded as one-dimensional and incorrect. It has been criticized because it conceals the real nature of law and its source of origin in social life. Others argue that it has deceptively misled and distorted law in practical sphere. John Gardner, Hart’s first positivist successor in the Oxford Chair of Jurisprudence, has asserts that the separability thesis is the propagation of a myth. He contends it to be ‘absurd and no legal philosopher of note has even endorsed it.’ Even some estimable positivists such as Joseph Raz and his followers have interrogated the significance and meaning and the credibility of the persistence on the separation of laws and moral values. Other positivists are also in doubts of such an insistence as a key component of positivist outlook.

This report will evaluate and examine the most prominent lines of argument against the traditional image of the orientation of legal positivism, and therefore aims to counter the critiques of the separability thesis. It should be noted that the concept of important association and link is open to analysis and understanding, and not all ‘important’ relations between laws and moral values are in a clash with the legal positivism; in fact, any sensible person will accept that there are countless similarities between law and morality. In determining this effectively, it is essential to discuss separation of law and morality in terms of multiplicity of thesis. The discussion will maintain that the criticisms that have marshaled on the separability thesis fail in casting doubts on its significance and sustainability. It will then be proven that the challenges that have been mounted against it are unjustifiable. Therefore this essay is divided into four parts. It will first discuss the positivist tradition and outline its criticisms. Secondly, it will assess the separability thesis, particularly on Hart’s challenges on the thesis. The third part of the essay will defend the separability thesis whereas the final part is an evaluation of the positivist’s view on the thesis.

The Positivist Tradition – Heyday of its Success

Positivists believe that an independent science of law compels that it should be defined and recognized in an ethically unbiased and impartial way. They emphasize that law is manmade, or ‘posited’, by the legislature. Positivists hold that until a duly enacted law is changed, it remains law, and shall be obeyed. Natural law thinkers however, define law on basis of morality and ethical values. They deny the compulsion and requirement to abide by the law if it is not moral by appealing to moral or religious principles.

During the late eighteen century, the main philosophers in England who thought and analyzed the legal and social problems of the society as well as became the pioneers of reforms were Bentham and Austin. They persistently insisted on the requirement to differentiate strongly and evidently on the law as it should be and denounced the ideals of natural law thinkers, asserting that the natural law theory blurred this distinction. Austin concentrated on the basic ideals and principles of morality and asserted that they were commands of God, where utility was defined as the ‘index’ and that there was the tangible conventional and established ‘positive’ morality. On basis of principles of utility, Bentham argued on this difference. Both thinkers insisted that this will assist in identifying and understanding the issues created by laws, which are morally wrong. At the same time, it would be beneficial in understanding the particular nature and quality of the legal authority.

Although Utilitarian concentrated on separation of law and morality, it did not reject the ‘the intersection of law and morals’. Historically, the growth and expansion of the legal structure has been extremely controlled by moral and ethical values; likewise, moral principles and values have been controlled by law, so that in many ways, there is a strong relation between legal bindings and moral values. It is difficult to trace the causal link, but Bentham and Austin were definitely ready to admit its existence. Bentham and his disciples did not deny that there is a possibility that moral values can enter the legal system and may become part of it by explicit legal provisions, or that system maybe forced to make a decision on basis of morality and ethical values. Austin has discussed these ‘frequent coincidence’ in which positivism and morality are seen together and recognized the perplexity and uncertainty on the objective nature of law. He differed from Bentham in the thought. He asserted that autonomous and independent law-making authority did not have the force of law. He had recognized and identified that a law might confer a representative, who would have legislative power and may have the authority to impose restriction on its restrictions on its exercise based on moral principles. In fact, both of them asserted that if a rule defies the principles and ideals of morality, then it is not the decree or statute of the law. Similarly, if the decree was ethically required, then it was the statute of the law.

This straightforward and uncomplicated principle was found jurisprudence of England in the nineteenth century after Austin has proposed it. Lawyers were able to achieve new clarity when they understood the utilitarian concept of separation of law and morals. Sheldon Amos commented that Austin ‘have delivered the law from the dead body of morality that still clung to it’; and even Sir Henry Maine, who always critically analyzed Austin, did not cast any doubts on this part of doctrine.

A Critique of Utilitarian Theory

After the discussion of legal positivism in the section heyday of success, the theory has emerged to show support for confusing massive amount of different sins. One of it, real or alleged, is on the separation of law as it is and as it ought to be as insisted by Austin and Bentham. This insistence had concealed the fact that at some points there is an essential point of contract between the two. Besides, an examination of how the disputed meanings in law are interpreted and applied in concrete cases will revealed an important connection between law and morality. This connection emerges again if in a broader view, we consider whether a system of rules that altogether failed to satisfy a moral minimum could be a legal system.

Another major complexity was that Utilitarian had combined the persistence differentiating between law and morals through two different and popular doctrines, one doctrine concentrated on the studying the law analytically, whereas the other asserted that the law is considered to be basic and fundamental decree. These are two essential concepts from utilitarian perspective. They are nevertheless three distinctive doctrines because it is possible while endorsing the first two doctrines and think it wrong to understand law as essentially a command. It is utterly baffling that deceptiveness and falseness one showed and proved that the others were untrue and fabricated; moreover, it failed to distinguish three different and divergent doctrines existed from this perspective. Austin attempted to explain moral judgments in terms of vital utterances to reverberate his ambitious command theory; he stated that it was ‘the key to the sciences of jurisprudence of morals’. The command theory nonetheless seems quite overwhelming and remarkable because it is simple and still not sufficient even if it is an attempt to recognize and discover the essence of law as well as that of morals.

Utilitarian believed that the essence and real meaning of the legal structure and system could be conveyed if the command theory was accompanied by obedience. This would have made law a command for the uncommanded commanders of society. This account is definitely threadbare and inadequate because it does not consider the connection and link between the fundamentals of morality and law. Utilitarian scheme also does not consider the study and investigation of what it means for society and its representatives to approve such rules. Such omissions especially the collapse to contend on the essential and significant association between morals and law is open for debate.

The Continental criticisms on the command theory had always alive to the complexity of the idea of a subjective right. John W. Salmond commented that the command theory analysis bring the notion of a right to no place. Similarly, Axel Hagerstrom asserted that the notion of an individual’s right was really inexplicable if laws were merely commands; he contended that commands are something which either we obey or otherwise; they do not confer rights. In fact, rules that confer rights are not necessarily moral rules or agree with them as distinguished from command. In several spheres rights exist, which are regulated by rules. However, they do not have any relevancy to query of justice or what law should not be, nor it requires discussing that rights have to be just. rights be just. This is affirmed by what as Austin put it, ‘the existence of law is one thing; “its demerit or demerit is another”.’ Therefore, it is dependent on the distribution of rights and how they are implemented in the social sphere of life.

The separability thesis is however, not to be identified with Austin’s claim that survival and continuation of law is dependent on its sources and not on qualities or virtues. The sources thesis although inspired by Austin’s tag, it only asserts laws do not exist on basis of moral values and ethical principles. Hart nonetheless is so much interested on the relations between morality and the content, form, and functions of law; rather than between morality and law’s existence conditions. He concentrates on what is the essence of positivism, for instance, the link between law and economics. Therefore, when he says ‘no necessary connection,’ he really means it.

The Separability Thesis

Surely, by this Hart did not mean that law and morality should be kept apart and that law and morality are separated. Likewise, law should live up to ideals set by morality. Hart’s victory was perhaps in promoting ‘positivism and separation of law and morals’ to the stage that individuals, who are unaware of jurisprudence, are ware that legal positivists belong to the separability sphere.

The separability thesis is simply the contention that ‘there is no necessary connection between law and morality’. A ‘connection’ means any sort of relation to social power, social rules, and morality. The term ‘morality’ is more complex as it includes valid and positive morality. The thesis however, only applies to positive morality. It therefore rejects the ‘natural law’ perspective that morality and law should not be separate and it completely rejects the outlooks of those ‘consensus sociologists’ who believe that morality and legal system have to be incorporated together.

Leslie Green suggests that the only complicated and difficult concept is that of ‘necessary’ connection. Hart’s interpretation on ‘necessity’ is too large and liberal. He thinks that an important association is one which cannot be unsuccessful to grasp, but does not have any firmer commitment to the nature of necessity in the social studies. In particular, he does not take an initiative to contend on the issues of what is not important in terms of nature and society. Of course, the content of law is best explained with reference to moral ideas; and perhaps a legal system could not flourish unless it is just. This means that law should confront with morality and normally has moral value. By the separability thesis, all of these are counted as contingent only; neither are they impossible nor necessary. Hart thus constantly asserts that if the claim is on ‘the connection between law and morals’ intends we may accept it, but it is not a necessary connection.

The thesis is considered to be interpreted in order to bear any conditional association between law and moral values, only if which it is plausible that the association may not be workable. It is nevertheless most problematic because confusion exists on its exact meaning. In general, most legal positivists maintain that the minimum content of the separability thesis consists in the claim that determining what the law is does not necessarily, or conceptually, depend on moral or other evaluative considerations about what the law ought to be in the relevant circumstances. The main controversy is about its more extended reach. Therewith, all these confusions and uncertainties form the major part of the criticisms surrounding legal positivism.

Missed Connections

Legal positivism today is classified as ‘sloppy’, ‘confused’ and ‘misrepresented’, yet position among positivists largely differ which put it as its most vulnerable. Gardner, a staunch and perceptive defender of Joseph Raz observes that ‘legal positivists have often taken great pains to assert some of the connections between law and morality,’ and he declares that there are many other necessary connections between law and morality, namely that each of consists of valid norms.

Gardner rebukes Hart for formulating the ‘no necessary connection’ in a heavyhanded manner, Hart only ‘seemed to endorse it’ by ‘hint and emphasis.’ Gardner maintains that Hart’s ‘apparent’ endorsement must ‘be read as a bungled preliminary attempt to formulate and defend a much narrower version of legal positivism, which, like Bentham and Austin, he really did endorse.’ He argued that the lawful legality of a given standard and the formation of it as element of the law of that system are depending on its foundations, not its qualities. This thought however, does not entail that validity is morally unmeritorious. Gardner then claims Bentham and Hart had ‘regarded valid laws as necessarily endowed with some moral value just in virtue of being valid laws’.

While Gardner is correct about Bentham and Austin, he seems to be wrong about Hart. Gardner assumes that Hart rejected the separability thesis in his 1958 manifesto by claiming that ‘every law necessarily shows a redeeming moral merit, a dash of justice that comes of the mere fact that a law is a general norm that would have like case treated alike’. However, Hart was just stating the legal requirement of ‘treat like cases alike’ as one essential element of justice, he was aware that this is ‘justice in the administration of the law, not justice of the law’. Therefore, while the ‘treat like cases alike’ requirement is a necessary element of justice and that it is not sufficient; it proves that there mandatory association or link between law and morality.

Indeed in The Concept of Law, Hart highlighted the moral benefits in favouring the separability thesis, the benefits of seeing that law has no inherent or intrinsic moral value because it does not considers any moral or political issues and it completely independent from evaluations, which made on basis of politics or morality. For Hart, this is certainly an important set of reasons to adopt the positivist concept of law. Therewith, Hart concludes that one that is confronted by a morally bad law is to let individual conscience decide, unhampered by any thought that there is a necessary connection between law and morality.

It is perhaps worth noting that Hart, with Bentham’s thought that certain laws might be too evil to be obeyed, sought to enlist Bentham in exactly this version of the separability thesis. Gardner is nevertheless right that Bentham should not be so enlisted. Hart called Bentham’s ‘general recipe for life under the government of laws’ ‘to obey punctually; to censure freely’, suggest a universal responsibility to adhere to the law. Bentham certainly argued for a association between legal order and political morality, which is a completely different approach as taken by Hart. The real importance of Hart following Bentham’s ‘recipe’ is that one has a general moral obligation to obey the law even he disapproves it, he is nonetheless obliged to criticise the law freely and the institution that produce it, so that the law can be effective reformed. Bentham stressed on the general moral duty to obey the law even there is no freedom, and this duty is to become stronger in a democratic government with freedom, as he opined, obey punctually but criticize freely, it is ‘the motto of the good citizen’.

We should therefore recognize Hart’s ‘no necessary connections’ was intended in the same spirit as his repeated invocation of the phrase ‘Separation of Law and Morals’ a shorthand for an array of theses with which he denied the important and essential link between moral values and the legal bindings. Hart went beyond the affirmation of the two Utilitarian’s distinction between the laws as it is and the law is it to be and contested many supposedly necessary connections between law and morality. For example, he persistently insisted the motivations underlying officials’ compliance with rule of law requirements can credibly be prudent rather than moral. He likewise challenged Fuller’s contention that the basic formal characteristics of legal norms and legal systems constitute an inner morality of law.

Hart’s Challenges to Ineluctable Law Morality Connections

As a pioneer of legal positivist insistence on the separability thesis, Hart made apparent from the beginning that he was advancing more than a single thesis. Hart defended positivism in the beginning of his essay to which Gardner principally refers. He argued that it is time to recognize that ‘…there is a “point of intersection between law and morals,” or that what is and what ought to be are somehow indissolubly fused or inseparable, though the positivists denied it.’ He queried the meaning of these phrases or rather which of the many possible meanings that they could mean. Hart also asked ‘which of them do positivists deny and why is it ostensibly wrong to do so?’

This stage of his defense is collaborated with the approach he pursued in his discussion of law and morality in the ninth chapter of The Concept of Law, he indicated that

‘…there is some further way in which law must conform to morals… Many such assertions either fail to make clear the sense in which the connection between law and morals is alleged to be necessary; or upon examination they turn out to mean something which is both true and important, but which it is most confusing to present as a necessary connection between law and morals.’

Hart’s positivist confrontations with natural law thinking therefore were not confined to a single set of issues, but on a variety of fronts in order to expose the un-sustainability of a medley of purportedly necessary connections between law and morality. He dangled phrases such as ‘no necessary connections’ as sweeping summations of the diverse points which positivists make in reply to their opponents. Hart hardly intended those phrases to be interpreted as an outrageous rejection of the important relations between the morality and law, which are willing recognized by any jurisprudence positivists.

Jurisprudence Positivists
Jurisprudence Positivists

Alertness to the varieties of legal positivists’ replies to their enemy is then, the key to grasping the role of some of Hart’s sloganeering phrases that are harmless and doubtlessly valuable as unrefined summations of those replies. To be sure, Hart submitted that the status of moral soundness as a necessary condition for legal validity ‘may still be illuminatingly described as the issue between legal positivism and natural law, though each of these titles has come to be used for a range of different theses about law and morals.’ He further suggested that legal positivism shall be taken to mean ‘the simple connection that it is no sense a necessary truth that laws reproduce or satisfy certain demands of morality, though in fact they have often done so.’ Hart singled out this matter as the prime point of controversy, however he was merely highlighting those legal positivists and natural law thinkers had indeed traditionally crossed swords on precisely that point. Later in his works, very much of the challenges launched by Hart were chiefly in response to his critics such as Fuller, Dworkin and Finnis. He reemphasized that he as a legal positivist argued many ‘different forms of the claim that there is a connection between law and morality which are compatible with the distinction between law as it is and as it ought to be.’

Gardner chooses for a much more restrictive form of positivism, following Raz’s ideas, he articulates that in any legal system, ‘whether a given norm is legally valid, and hence whether it forms part of the law of that system, depends on its sources, not its merits.’ In Raz’s perspective, this thesis enunciated by Gardner rehearses the traditional positivist tradition between the law as it is and as it ought to be. Therefore, Gardner’s thesis is certainly a positivist principle.

Gardner however does not capture the whole of positivist message. Neither is he justified in ignoring the various respects in which a number of positivists have endeavored to rebut assertions of necessary connections between law and morals; nor should we agree with Gardner’s view that the ‘no necessary connections’ formulation is misleading with thought that it denies only one necessary link between legal and moral domain. Matthew Kramer reasons these by contending that even though Hart has gone beyond his great legal positivist predecessors in the width of their contestation of apparently unavoidable ties between law and morality, Gardner and other Raz’s disciples likewise go beyond those predecessors by supporting the Exclusivist’s variety of legal positivism in preference to Inclusivist varieties. Hart observed that his positivists’ ancestors favored the Inclusivist position before the controversies between Inclusivist and Exclusivist. Hence, like Hart, they abstained the view that it is necessarily not the case that the status of norms as legal norms ever depends on moral tests.

Hart’s expansion of the range of positivist attacks on presumably necessary connection between law and morality was because of his keen interests to the normative dimension of law, which had been largely obscured by his positivist predecessors. Hart had to engage in crucial battles that were never similarly pressing for Austin, his greatest advances over Austin was his knowledge to law’s normatively that posed new challenges for him, he defended by fending off arguments that equate law’s normatively with moral’s. Therefore, this is doubtlessly another reason to reject Gardner’s narrow understanding of conception of legal positivism; otherwise, we would render a lot of the disputes that have preoccupied legal positivists and their opponents during the past five decades as quite enigmatic. Remarkably, positivists such as Hart have taken themselves to be defending positivism against those critics by theorists such as Fuller, Dworkin, Finnis, Stephen Perry, Gerald Postema, Philip Soper, Nigel Salmond, Roger Shiner and Robert George that in varying ways casting doubts on theories of legal positivism. Noting that, most disputes have not focused on Gardner’s thesis which he regards as the solitary distinctive doctrine of positivism, thus most of the proponents and detractors of positivism in last five decades have been very confused, particularly on the specific points and general nature of debates.Although this expression is coherent, it seems a little bizarre. Therefore, it should be contended that Gardner’s conception of positivism is undeniably restrictive.

Gardner is right when he remarks that we should not always quarrel over a label. Gardner conceives that it is truth that matters in philosophical argument, not which proposition is given which name. In recent decades, some legal philosophers who are positivists by any conjecturing, including Gardner’s reckoning, sought to expose the possibility of varied links between law and morality that are often noticed as necessary. It is contended that these conjecturing are the salient features in modern jurisprudence wrangling. Thus, Hart and other legal positivists have undertaken a sophisticated insistence on the separability of law and morality regardless of the label one affixed thereto.

The separability thesis has to be construed with a bit of generosity rather than in an insensitively quibbling fashion if its purpose is to be identified. It is suggested that although the language of ‘no necessary connection’ is unacceptably rough as a means of summations to the upshot of an insistence on the separability thesis, its clarifies largely offsets its temerity. Therefore, the ‘no necessary connection’ formulation might be accepted as a slogan that provides an understandable synopsis to some major reasoning developed by legal positivists.

The Separability Thesis Defended

The separability thesis captures well Hart’s idea that ‘there is no necessary connection between law and morality.’ As Hart’s electrifying survey of various different relations between law and morality shows, the thesis applies and is intended to apply to all of them. The contradicting reactions between Gardner and Coleman were mainly due to the scope of the thesis: one takes it literally and pronounces it absurd; the other pares it down and declares it obvious.

Unlike Gardner, Coleman ascribes the legal positivism claim without any hesitations. He recognizes that such claim is in need of interpretation and in doing so; he severely limits the scope of the positivists’ insistence on the separability of law and morality. Coleman believes that the positivists’ affirmation of the separability thesis is quite naive. He contends that the ‘…thesis asserts that it is unnecessary that the legality of a standard of conduct depend on its moral value or merit.’Although the thesis is a central principle of legal positivism, Coleman opines that it is no distinctively positivist because just about every legal philosopher has endorsed it. He submits that it is not utterly accurate to characterize legal positivism by the separability thesis because once it is properly understood, neither positivists nor anyone rejects it.

       Coleman thinks that if the thesis is ‘properly understood’; it is only a claim about ‘the content of the membership criteria of law’. Coleman is of particular interest only on the thesis that bears the ‘existence conditions of the not necessarily moral criteria.’ No one however thinks that these must be moral criteria; not even John Finnis, who openly recognizes that ‘human law is artefact and artifice, and not a conclusion from moral premises.’ Thus, Coleman concludes that the hallmark of positivism is an insistence on the conventionality of law, not the insistence of the separability of law and morality.

Coleman’s position is quite similar to Gardner’s. Gardner rejects the separability thesis whereas Coleman embraces it with the interpretation that it overlaps with the one Gardner attributes to legal positivism. Both of them substantially limit the reach of its resistance to the postulation of necessary connection between law and morality and submit that the resistance is confined to legal validity. However, in fairness to Coleman, it should be remarked that he acknowledges that ‘the debates between positivists and natural law thinkers are considerably richer and more complicated than might be inferred from his discussion of the separability thesis.’ He naively adopts simple positivistic position on several points of contention, particularly in connection methodological issues.

Positivists have taken several themes on the insistence of law and morality, one of the most familiar themes is the traditional distinction between the law as it and as it ought to be. In contrary to what Coleman declares, the distinction is not wholly uncontroversial. The traditional philosophers as eminent as Dworkin, Soper and Michael Moore have pursued traditional natural law attacks in varying ways and degrees on this distinction. Thus, although the standard positivists’ defenses to such attacks have attained widespread acceptance, or at least acquiescence, such attacks have not vanished without trace from the present day jurisprudence scene.

Anti-positivists claim that law is necessary for the attainment of morally vital state of affairs and conclude that law is endowed with an intrinsic moral worth. Although positivists occasionally challenged such contention, they have sometimes accepted it; however, they rejected its conclusion. It is the best respond from positivists if they challenge the unwarranted comparison that absolutely underlines the inference about the prima facie moral obligations of law, not by denying the indispensable role. Indeed, positivists question this absolute comparison by contending that instead the appropriate baseline is other realistically attainable legal regimes, some of which may well be morally superior to the regime under consideration. Hence, if positivists can rebut the view that mandates of every legal system are possessed of such obligations as legal mandates, they are able to block any general inference of prima facie moral obligatoriness.

Another positivists’ resistance to moralized law is the self-presentation of a legal system. Soper believes that every legal system presents itself as morally legitimate with morally correct mandates. They posit a necessary connection between law and morality at the level of discourse, particularly by maintaining that officials’ legal pronouncements are inextricably bound up with moral assurances. Soper opines that those pronouncements cannot retain a minimum credibility if their assurances of moral legitimacy are wildly outlandish; he consequently contends that nothing can count as a genuine legal system unless it surpasses some modest threshold of moral acceptability. These reflections have encapsulated him to a traditional natural law position. Thus, positivists are encouraged to challenge Soper’s claim about the self-presentation of legal system.

Besides, law and morality share a similar terminological structure; key terms such as ‘right’, ‘obligation’, ‘authority’ and ‘permission’ are prominently operative. Some theorists therefore suggest that these terminological affinities are clear indication of deeper connections between the two domains. Soper advances such a view in his efforts to establish a genuine legal system that is morally legitimate with morally correct mandates. Like Raz, Soper actually takes for granted that ‘duty’ or ‘obligation’ carries the same meaning both in legal and moral contexts. Hart therefore submitted that the conceptual overlap is formal rather substantive, but not outrageously that the terminology correspondences are unaccompanied by any conceptual overlap.

Another area of debate is on the distinction between morality and factuality. Here, the principle source of disagreements between legal positivists and their foes is the issues singled out by Coleman’s separability thesis. Positivists submit that the endeavors of officials in ascertaining the existence and contents of legal norms are not necessarily guided by any moral assumptions, but concentrate strictly on observable fact. It is therefore the case that moral soundness is neither a necessary nor sufficient condition for the status of any norm as a legal norm. For Dworkin and other theorists that characterized the process of law ascertainment as unavoidable enterprise of moral deliberation, the inclusive legal positivists have held that the role of moral judgments in the process is a contingent matter determined by each legal system’s particular rule of recognition. Hence, this can include, but need not include, moral standards.

In summary, these laconic arguments have outlined some of the chief points that suffice to illustrate their rich multifariousness. Notably, the restrictiveness of Coleman’s comments on the separability thesis is not match by any similar cramping of his methodological and substantive analysis. Although Coleman stands on positivist in every one of the controversies, he does adopt such a position in quite a few of them. Coleman’s disdainful remarks about the separability thesis are damaging to legal positivism by obscuring some of the best positivist insights. Most of the recent conflicts between positivists and their adversaries are blurred by those remarks. Therefore, when the positivists’ affirmation of the separability of law and morality is understand in its expansive variegatedness rather than only in its most pallid formulation, its centrality and profundity become clear. To slight that affirmation is to darken counsel.

Joseph Raz & the Separability Thesis

As an estimable positivist, Raz’s attitude on the insistence of separability of law and morality has always been uncertain, sometimes been downright hostile. He has expressed skepticism in much of his works about the separability of law and morality. Raz suggests that the multifaceted positivists’ insistence can reduced to a single thesis, similar to Coleman. In contrary to Coleman, Raz singles out a different and more capacious principle as the separability thesis and rejects that principle as unsustainable.

Coleman construes the thesis as a claim that the criteria for legal validity in any particular legal system need not include moral tests. He suggests that to assert the contingency of the role of moral tests as criteria for legal validity is to affirm the separability of law and morality. Raz however, submits that Coleman is wrong, he further opines, ‘a necessary connection between law and morality does not require that truth as a moral principle is a condition of legal validity. All it requires is that the social features which identify something as a legal system entail that it possess moral value.’ He maintains that the truth of Coleman’s principle is insufficient for the truth of separability thesis because Coleman construed the thesis over narrowly. Raz therefore opted for a broader specification of the thesis that the thesis will be false if any of law’s defining features entail its possession of some degree of moral worthiness.

Raz then proceeds that ‘the separability thesis is… implausible… there is some necessary connection between law and morality, every legal system in force has some moral merit or does some moral good even if it is also the cause of a great deal of moral evil.’ Furthermore, he reminds that ‘all major traditions in Western political thought, including Aristotle and Hobbes traditions, believed in such connection.’ Hence, Raz is on solid ground in censuring Coleman for conceiving of the separability thesis too restrictively. Raz however enlarges the scope of separability thesis far too modestly. The main problem lies in the notion that legal positivism’s insistence on the separability of law and morality can aptly be recounted as a single thesis. Raz consequently obscure the fact that many of the liveliest debates over the separability of law and morality have in recent decades been primarily on the morality dichotomy. Although he wisely moves beyond the confines imposed by Coleman, he still conveys the false impression that the matter of separability is reducible to a very small set of issues that can be captured in a univocal thesis.

While renouncing ‘the facts which determine the existence and content of law do not guarantee any moral value,’ Raz contends it is true that the necessary connection between law and morality which is likely to be established by his arguments is weak. Moreover, he submits that it is sufficient to establish prima facie obligation to obey the law. For one thing, Raz does not do justice to the comparative character of any genuine moral assessment. Neither of his remarks suitably takes account of the fact that some morally good results can of moral value; nor adequately acknowledge that the role of law as a necessary condition for certain moral desiderate is insufficient to vest la with any inherent moral worth.

Raz’s passing reference to the Aristotle and Hobbes traditions in Western political thought is unquestionably correct in declaring that past and present political thinkers have believe that law as such does inherently partake of some degree of moral worthiness. In most if not all cases, however, they have believed as much because they have further believed that the rule of law is necessary for the realization of extremely important moral desiderate such as the preservation of public order and the coordination of social life and the promotion of individual freedom. The latter belief is entirely accurate. It does not support the thesis that law partakes of some inherent moral worthiness.

The rule of law is indispensable for the continuation of wickedly exploitative and repressive governmental institutions on a large scale over a long period. Therefore, if we were to ascribe inherent moral worthiness to law because of its status as a necessary condition for the attainment of key moral desiderata, we should likewise ascribe inherent moral iniquity to law because of its status as a necessary condition for the successful long term pursuit of heinous purposes by evil regimes that rule over sizable societies. We should not engage in either of those inconsistent ascription. We should conclude that the moral bearings of law are not inherent but are determined by its contingent substance and by the uses to which it is put in various settings.

Remarkably, we reaffirm legal positivism’s insistence on the separability of law and morality. On some occasions those theorists have suggested that certain important strands of the positivist insistence on the separability of law and morality are in fact outside the scope of jurisprudence positivism, and on other occasions they have squarely impugned certain elements of that insistence. Whatever may be their reasons for discounting central tenets of legal positivism that have been elaborated in tussles with natural law theorists of sundry stripes, they have indeed de-emphasized or abjured a number of those tenets.

To reassure, an unswerving allegiance to those tenets is not a necessary condition for the applicability of the ‘positivist’ label. Raz is surely a legal positivist even though he has eschewed any such allegiance. Nevertheless, the vibrant heart of legal positivism at least during the past five decades is a far-reaching insistence on the separability of law and morality, from which these positivists have distanced themselves.

Conclusion

In conclusion, any sensible person should accept that there are countless similarities between law and morality. The vast majority of those similarities are utterly trivial, but a small proportion of them such as the normative legal propositions and moral propositions are significant. When we distinguish among morally contrasted with immorality and morality contrasted with prudence and morality contrasted with factuality, we can discern that nearly all of the important and ostensibly necessary connections between law and morality – in any of the three specified sense of ‘morality’ – are contingent at most.

During the past five decades, natural law theorists of differing persuasions have proclaimed quite a few of those contingent connections to be ineluctable bonds. Legal positivists have developed fruitfully in response to those proclamations, as its proponents have endeavored to expose the un-tenability of the natural law arguments. Their endeavors have doubtless expanded the ambit of legal positivism beyond its historical contours, but the expansion has improved to the great benefit positivism by underscoring the soundness and versatility of its general insights.

Legal positivists’ altercations with natural law thinkers can shed light on the battles that take place among positivists themselves.

Bibliography

Books

H.L.A Hart, ‘Positivism and the Separation of Law and Morals’ in H.L.A Hart, Essays in Jurisprudence and Philosophy (OUP, Oxford 1983)

H.L.A Hart, The Concept of Law (2nd edn Clarendon Press, Oxford 1994)

Jules Coleman, The Practice of Principle (OUP, Oxford 2001)

Joseph Raz, ‘Practical Reason and Norms’ (Princeton University Press, Princeton 1990)

Joseph Raz, ‘Ethics in the Public Domain (OUP, Oxford 1994)

Matthew H. Kramer, Where Law and Morality Meet (OUP, Oxford 2008)

Articles

Andrei Marmor, ‘Legal Positivism: Still Descriptive and Morally Neutral’ (2006) 24(4) O.J.L.S 686.

Deryck Beyleveld and Roger Brownsword, ‘The Practical Difference between Natural Law Theory and Legal Positivism’ (1985) 5(1) O.J.L.S 3.

David Dyzenhaus, ‘The Genealogy of Legal Positivism’ (2004) 24(1) O.J.L.S. 39

H.L.A Hart, ‘Positivism and the Separation of Law and Morals’ (1958) 71 Harv. L. Rev. 593.

John Gardner, ‘Legal Positivism 5 ½ Myths’ (2001) 46 Am.J.Juris. 199, 233.

Leslie Green, ‘Positivism and the Inseparability of Law and Morals’ (2008) 83 N.Y.U.L.Rev. 1035.

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